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                    <text>Articles de Pasqual Maragall a

05/06/2000 (2600066) - Artículo de opinión
EL PAÍS / Barcelona / Cataluña / Única, pág. 2

Chincha Choma (Alejandro García Durán)
PASQUAL MARAGALL
Cuando éramos jóvenes unos estudiaban y basta, otros conspiraban y estudiaban, y
otros actuaban. Alejandro García Durán, un poco mayor, era de estos últimos. Ya
había estudiado. Era sacerdote escolapio. José García Durán (su hermano), yo y unos
cuantos más éramos de los segundos. Y una mayoría sólo estudiaba, o lo hacía ver.
Alejandro actuaba en el barrio de las Arenas, en Terrassa. En Terrassa José y yo, y
otros estudiantes y algunos obreros de Barcelona, junto con los líderes locales Manel
Royes, José Muñoz de AEG, su hermano (El Trotskín), Magí Cadevall, el Arán de Ca
l'Agut, un chico alto llamado El Larguillo y otro llamado El Filósofo, al que nunca
conocí sino por sus escritos, conspirábamos, es decir, organizábamos en la
clandestinidad acciones contra el régimen: huelgas, manifestaciones, reparto de
propaganda, impresión de la misma, reuniones interminables para todo ello, etcétera.
Igualmente actuábamos en otros lugares del área metropolitana con otros grupos
locales similares. Alguien puede creer que eso del área metropolitana es un invento
tecnocrático posterior. No. Era ya entonces, en los sesenta, el escenario real de lo que
llamábamos la lucha política.
En Terrassa, Alejandro fue mucho más efectivo que nosotros. Ahora se ha
comprobado. Mientras nosotros íbamos y veníamos -con algún acontecimiento
sonado, pocos resultados y varias detenciones-, él se instaló en las Arenas, empezó
recogiendo toneladas de porquería abandonadas en el descampado del barrio y
seguidamente, según he leído en las crónicas que ahora se han publicado, trazó su
plan: primero las alcantarillas, segundo la parroquia y tercero la escuela. Consiguió
dinero para todo ello y lo realizó. Tanto lo realizó que después de ver que el barrio se'n
sortia, se fue a México y dedicó casi veinte años a proteger a los niños sin techo del
Distrito Federal (D. F.). Y aún tuvo tiempo de ocuparse de los de Puebla. Los niños,
que le adoraban, le rebautizaron Cabeza Calva, Chincha Choma en su azteca
evolucionado.
Ahora se ha visto en el barrio vecino al de las Arenas lo que vale el esfuerzo que
dirigió Alejandro García Durán en su momento. Ahora las Arenas tiene problemas,
pero no los mismos ni tantos, porque entonces, en la adolescencia de esos barrios, se
encarriló con más acierto. Y ese salto de Terrassa al Distrito Federal, de las barracas
de aquí a los sin techo de allí, de nuestra pobreza en vías de mejora a la miseria
apabullante de la megápolis mexicana, se me antoja digno de lo que cuando éramos
pequeños creíamos que era cristianismo: una compasión infinita, sin fronteras.
Manuel Vázquez, del que leí una espléndida entrevista centrada en su contacto con el
subcomandante Marcos en Chiapas, hubiera podido también novelar a Alejandro.
Quizá ni lo conozca. Pero si a Manolo le interesan los comisarios de policía, le puede
interesar saber que Alejandro García Durán le echó un pulso a uno de los jefes de
policía más temidos de Latinoamérica, el del D. F. Y ganó.
Creo que este hombre tenía dos cosas extraordinarias: la virtud de dar sin pedir a
cambio, o de multiplicar energía, eso que dicen que no se crea ni se destruye, y la
insolencia de los generosos: "Oye, tú, ayuda a éstos, que a ti no te hace falta", debió
de decir más de una vez.
La Generalitat, que tiene un Gobierno al que algunos han votado en función de
creencias religiosas, debería honrar a Alejandro García Durán. Y debería hacerlo no
53

�Articles de Pasqual Maragall a

sólo por tratarse de un buen cristiano, ni siquiera principalmente por ello. "He aquí un
catalán digno de este siglo que termina", debería decir, y eso sería suficiente. Honrarlo
es fácil y es difícil. Fácil porque ya lo han pedido los que trabajaron con él en las
Arenas de Terrassa y le siguieron luego a distancia: que Terrassa ponga -como ha
hecho- su nombre en una plaza del barrio y que colaboremos en mantener la obra de
Alejandro con los sin techo del D. F. Difícil porque México no está cerca y además
puede pensarse que tal ayuda sería intromisión. Pero Ernesto Zedillo, el aún actual
presidente, y lo mismo los recientes gobernadores del D. F., Manuel Camacho y
Cuactémoc Cárdenas, son buenos amigos de Barcelona y Cataluña, y el actual cónsul
mexicano es catalán de origen y perfectamente sensible a esos temas. Seguro que lo
verán bien.
Alejandro ha muerto en Colombia. Quién sabe qué otra aventura de generosidad le
llevó allí. Tengo la esperanza de que algún día pueda decirse que lo que hicimos los
cuatro amigos conspiradores de los años sesenta en Terrassa y en el área
metropolitana de Barcelona, y lo que Alejandro García Durán representa ya para
siempre, tiene algo que ver. Tengo la esperanza, pero no la certeza. Y si no es cierto,
alguien tendrá que explicar el sentido de nuestras pretensiones. Los niños del D. F.
sabían bien lo que querían. Que no se llevaran al Chincha Choma de la parroquia. Y lo
enterraron allí. Tuvo que bajar el cardenal para que se hiciera lo debido. Fue la última
insolencia de Alejandro. La próxima vez que vaya al D. F. iré a visitar el lugar donde
reposa, esa nueva Terrassa al otro lado del mar que sedujo sin duda a nuestro
hermano. El D. F. es una de las ciudades del mundo donde mejor se resume lo que es
el mundo. No hay tres ciudades en el mundo como ésa, aunque todas se le parecen
en algo.

54

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                    <text>Articles de Pasqual Maragall a LA VANGUARDIA

25/08/1995
La Vanguardia, p.011, Opinión

Churchill ya no sirve
Autor: PASQUAL MARAGALL
Agosto va acabando agosto y parece que salimos de una penitencia.
Cuerpos renovados, espíritus sosegados, sí, pero intranquilos. ¿Qué va a pasar? Nos
preguntamos por Sarajevo y Bosnia. Nos interrogamos por lo que hará el Tribunal Supremo
con el sumario de Garzón. No sabemos si habrá elecciones; mejor dicho, sabemos que las habrá
pero no sabemos cuáles: ¿autonómicas?, ¿generales?
Leemos una y otra vez declaraciones de Pujol y Duran matizando, desmintiendo, quizás
mintiendo piadosamente o no. De IU, del PNV y, por supuesto, el latiguillo "váyase, señor
González" permanente del PP. Declaraciones de Bono, Solana, etcétera.
De González muy poco o nada. De Serra menos. Declaraciones de jueces y fiscales, sí,
demasiadas para el gusto de muchos. Filtraciones de sumarios aún más (pero quién los da a los
medios: ¿la justicia, la policía, las partes interesadas? ¿Pueden hacerlo?).
Hablan los abogados defensores, lógicamente. El de Francisco Álvarez, el jefe del Mando
Unificado de la Lucha Contraterrorista (MULC), ya ha dicho que no piensa acusar a los
aforados González, Serra, Barrionuevo y Benegas. Miren cómo están las cosas que algunos
pensarán: ¡menos mal! Porque a veces parece que este señor y sus compañeros tienen de algún
modo la sartén por el mango.
Mientras tanto, Conde navega en yate, De la Rosa -gran amigo de Álvarez, según declaración
propia- no navega en yate, que se sepa, porque lo debe tener embargado, y ETA trata de hacer
creer que tuvo el yate del Rey a tiro, pero era un yate del año pasado.
En Cataluña, un soplo de aire fresco: la aparición de Quim Nadal. ¡Que tiemblen sus rivales! Es
metódico, contundente, honesto y directo. Y es alcalde. No dejará pasar una. Girona, y los
poderes locales en general, merecían este primer plano. Catalanismo y municipalismo nunca
debieron separarse (ese ha sido el gran error de Pujol). Ahí hay una luz de esperanza, la única
buena noticia del verano.
La ofensiva croata en Krajina, que parece obligar a una negociación política (¡ojalá!), está por
ver si es buena noticia. Temo lo peor para Sarajevo, porque los croatas no la defenderán y las
fuerzas multinacionales se escudarán en el poder militar croata para ir retirándose.
Kupusovic -el alcalde de Sarajevo- me dice que está dispuesto a venir a hacer el pregón de las
fiestas de la Mercè y a volver en noviembre en la antesala de la Conferencia Euromediterránea,
porque Izetbegovic, añade, ya ha dicho que, si no se rompe el cerco antes del final de
noviembre (por tanto, dos días después de la conferencia), no se romperá nunca.
Sarajevo no resistirá otro invierno.
Mendiluce cuenta que la gente ya no corre cuando disparan sobre ellos.

84 de 204

�Articles de Pasqual Maragall a LA VANGUARDIA

Se tiran al suelo, esperan y luego siguen. Y que ya no se arreglan. Se está perdiendo el milagro
de Sarajevo: una ciudad sitiada, con conciertos y exposiciones cada día, si bien con la orquesta
diezmada, la sala llena de rendijas y las exposiciones tan cargadas de significación que son más
bien proclamaciones.
Otra rendija de esperanza: los filósofos hablan de política, se mojan, como les pedía hace poco
Havel. Aranguren ha sido claro y valiente: o se rompe la baraja o hay que reconocer que el
juego que se hizo con ella -incluso el juego sucio- tenía motivos poderosos. Alguno de sus
alumnos están más dispuestos a romper la baraja y a decir, con otra valentía, "váyase usted,
señor González". A los filósofos hay que pedirles sobre todo valentía y no medias tintas. Para
éstas ya están los políticos, se supone.
Y yo no me resigno a esa división del trabajo: para unos la verdad y para otros la eficacia.
(Tampoco se resignaba Havel en ese llamamiento a los intelectuales a que se mojaran.) Yo creo
que la democracia está enferma o, por lo menos, que tiene fiebre. Y no estoy seguro de que esa
fiebre no sea preludio o síntoma de la reacción del cuerpo social contra la enfermedad.
Pero de eso ya hablaremos otro día. Ya les avanzo mi convicción de que la famosa fórmula de
Churchill está periclitada: la democracia ya no es el menos malo de los gobiernos posibles.
Mejor dicho: la gente ya no está dispuesta a aceptar un mal menor como sistema de gobierno. Y
no lo está porque entrevé posibilidades mejores y no se conforma con menos.
Y lo que pasa en Europa (Bosnia) y en España (GAL) es ocasión para mejorar el sistema: sólo
con un cambio de cromos o de gobernantes entraríamos en la depresión política más
prolongada de este siglo.
Porque ¿quién puede tragarse tranquilamente, sin culparse, la desaparición de la ciudad que
"practica" lo que los demás europeos simplemente "proclamamos": la tolerancia, la
coexistencia de religiones, etcétera?
¿Quién puede creer seriamente que los nuevos gobernantes hubieran sido (y serán) más
escrupulosos que los antiguos? Ya se ha visto lo que duran Balladur o Berlusconi o lo que
aguanta el crédito de Clinton o Chirac.
Nada. Aunque esto no quiere decir que hubiera sido mejor que siguieran Bush o Balladur.
Lo que nos gustaría de verdad, aparte de cambiar de gobernantes, si es que hace falta, es
avanzar un poco en cambiar el sistema de gobierno.
Lo de Churchill ya no sirve.
PASQUAL MARAGALL, alcalde de Barcelona

85 de 204

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                    <text>CITIES IN A GLOBAL WORLD
From the pvramid to the web ... with a few steps in between

1.- lntroduction

Let me present sorne th inking about certain aspects of the matter which 1
consider to be crucial. 1will highlight, of course, the non-cooperative aspects of
the globalization process.

1 will try to explaín in particular how a globatly

networked world, one that opens new opportunities instead of turther promoting
nationalism and hierarchy, provokes what 1will call "vertigo of new treedoms". 1
will attempt to establish a first conclusion, highlighting the need for new public
policies in a world that pretends to be increasíngly líberalized. In this context, 1
would like to draw attention to the capacity of the local world to play an active
role. Borrowing the New Citizenship concept from Saskia Sassen, 1will insist on
the positive role of local agents and politicians. Based on this point. 1 will
attempt to compare the idea of the Global Village with the idea of a world of
cities that compete and cooperate, leading to two important points: No abstract
paradigm of the city exists. lnstead we have one of concrete cities, each one
with specific possibilities and limits, which leads us to the second point: the
need to have comparable indicators of each specific reality in arder to enhance
the ability to perform. Herein, líes the general framework of what 1wish to say.
1"

X

1'.

1 would like to begin my presentation by citing one of the many documents
(more than 140,0001) that are floating around on the web and that respond to
the connection of the two key words of our topic: Cities and Globalization. The
following passage is taken from

the rev1ew done by

Dr. Mit Mitropoulos of IAPS

(Peop1e-

Environment Studles lntern1tlona/ A:ssoci11tíon) In hls book 'H1blt•t. Citl.:&gt; in A Glob1/i%/ng Worfd··Globel Report on
0

Human Settlements". The author ends hls review with a subtle and lronic twist .

He writes: "Back in 1954

Laszlo Benedek directed The Wild One, with Marlon Brando riding with a roar

�into tidy-silent Wrightsville. He is floater Johnny, leading a mottey bunch of
motorcyclists wearing leather branded Black Rebels. The other character in the
scene is a local haírdresser in her prime. The hairdresser asks Johnny cheekily,
"What are you rebelling about?"
Johnny responds, "What have you got?"
The scene occurs during a decisíve moment of the

Fordist-Keynesian

production

model that began in 1945 and would guarantee three decades of sustained
growth in industrial production as well as the establishment of the Welfare State
for developíng COUntrieS.

As Steffen Schnei_de_r declares (Post-Fordism, the Resurgencfl of the Local State,

and Naw Forms of Urban Gavernance:

A~ments

and Deficíts of an Emerging Meta-N1trrative) :

"There is now widespread consensus on the combination of economic and politlcal factors that enabled the Western
Industrializad countrias to recovar from the Graat Dapression and to enjoy three decadas of unprecedented growth and
stability after 1945. According to the standard aceount, this phase of capitalist davelopment was, natlonal variations
notlNithstanding, basad on Fordlsl mass production and its macroeconomic regulation In and through tha Keynesian
wettare state.

"The logic of the Fordist-Keynesian paradigm was tied to national,

demand and employment orientad macroeconomic regulation even though it
was embedded in a specific international arder, characterized by United States
dominance, the Bretton Woods system am:1- the--first- steps- towards trade
liberalization, and also entailed specific functions for urban regions and local
governments. The urban regions around industrial cities were the main sitas,
and the phenomenon of suburbanization - often actively encouraged by national
housing and transportatíon policies - was an important element of the "virtuous
circle" of mass production and mass consumption that sustained economic
growth and stability in the postwar era. Yet local variations in the forms of
production and consumption are considered Jargely irrelevant in the literature,
and local governments are described as having a subordinate role during that
time - namely, as local arm of the Keynesian welfare state, responsible for
providing the infrastructure of Fordist mass production, administeríng the
welfare programs of central governments, and organizing social consumption."
(Steffen Schneider)
2.- Development without solidarity

While 1 apologiza for such a long quotation, 1 believe it provides clarity, and 1
would now like to retum to the contemporary Johnnys and hairdressers of our
world. Today the paradigm has changed: we are in the Post-Fordist era. But in

�Barcelona the World Bank suspended a seminar far fear of the recurrence of
the events that unfolded in Geneva which constitute a precedent for
disturbances anywhere in the world where representatives of a global economy
or commerce gather. Despite the change in style that the Davos gathering in
New York tried to present, a few thousand people protestad against this symbol
of globalization. In Barcelona, the measures of security on the occasion of the
European summit on March 141h have been taken to extremes of dubious value.
( .. . ) There are still rebels. What are they rebelling about? What have we got?
In PortoAlegre an important acknowledgement was openned far the need to
react, not only in a mood of protest but also through política! and civic action, to
the globalization of the economy and technology. This reaction can be summed
up in one simple phrase: it is necessary to confront the globalization of the
economy, technology ar power with the globalization of solidarity. Hardly a
novelty. Yet sorne new concepts were introduced into the argument. Nongovernmental organizations and city govemments from Europe and Latín
America called far greater coordination between local authorities and civil
society to prevent marginalization and social exclusion.
\

"The crisis of values has been globalizad, which means that we have lo globallze solidarity," nid Martln Pumar, mayor
of Villa El Salvador, a poor nelghborhood in Lima, to IPS.

-

According to Martin Pumar, the aim of the Euro-Latin American Third Sector
Observatory, which met severa! times in Brazil during the January 25-30 World
Social Forum, is to foment partnerships and development projects carried out
jointly by civil society and municipalities. The Observatory was just ene of a
number of workshops and conferences held parallel to the plenary sessions of
the World Social Forum.
Giampiero Rasimelli,
president of Ares, an ltalian NGO, said globalization has
.....__
given rise to profound social imbalances between the índustrialized North and
the developing South, as well as within each regían ar country. And "the cost is
paid by the Citizens, Cities and democracy," he Said.

Urgent changas mus! be brought about

by governmant efforts and lnltlatives based on !he potential of globaHzation and new technotogies for boosting cillzen
participation, and on experimenls in local autonomy focussing on sustainable economlc and social development.

Partnerships between civil socíety and city governments, he said, have arisen
spontaneously as a natural result of sharing experiences, seeking collaboration

L.and reflecting on common problems.

�Mexican social researcher, Jose Luis Rhl Sausi, said the growing partnershlp between civil sooiety and local
governments had its roots in the crisis of development models - the European welfare modal as well as the
development-orlentad models adoptad In Latín America. "That has given rise to a profound economic and political
restructuring entailing a loss of declsion-maklng jurisdiction and power for the siete," sald Rhl Sausi.
The coordlnator of the Euro~atin American Observatory, Claudia Barattini, underlined the growth of the Third
Sector - that "ensemble of non-profit economic, social and poírtical lnitiatives, in which the socially-oriented enterprise
and citizen groups stand out.•

Claudia Barattini pointed out that the so-called "Third Sector'' has grown in a
number of countries, but especially in those countries where civil society is best
organized. "We believe that we can fashion a simple, multifaceted mechanism
for the globalization of communities, civil organizations, and small and medium
companies, which discovers its own strength in its capacity to strike up
partnerships, based en the quality and simplicity of common experiences," she
(...

said.
In their final document, the more than 100 city govemment officials, mainly from
Latín

America

and

Europe and drawn by the World

Social

Forum,

acknowledged the need to work closely with NGO's on initiatives aimed at
upholding citizen rights, fomenting social participation and addressing the needs
of neglected sectors.
The necessary changes could arise in urban or rural areas, but the gap
between mainstream society and the marginalized, which is widening in today's
globalized world, was most starkly visible in the cities . In addition, they said,
cities are the scenario where social aspirations and innovative responses
affirming the quality of life and the rights of human beings are mainly played out.
The mayors called for a modification of the tendency to marginalize sectors of
the population, proposing common policies to tackle social exclusion and
greater coordination between cities to work out problems and achieve a
stronger presence in both the national and intemational spheres.
Thay agreed that it was Indispensable to work together with citlzen groups to resolve the housing crisis and extend
urban services to alt, as well as to address the needs of the poor through a more just distributíon of public funds, with
greater backing from central govemments.

The local authoritíes called for greater participation in the development of
national economies, in arder to improve the insertion of countries into the global
economy, "without lopsided dependencies". To do that, they argued that

�progress must be made towards the adoption of mechanisms aimed at
controlling intemational capital flows .
The mayors expressed their backing

~fthe Tobin Tax, the well known -

or not

so well known - tariff on intemational financia! transactions that would gather
funds for the fight against poverty at the national as well as the local leve!.
The deputy mayor of Lisbon, Vasco Franco, said it was nota question of being
for or against globalization, "but against exclusion." "(Cities) can make a
difference, by contributing to setting rules for unregulated globalization," said
Franco. He also pointed out that social aspects were fundamental to that
process, and that "local govemments have much to contribute."

(Source: Third World Network)

lt is evident that the new era, or the age of technology, the market and the
economy taken as a whole, together with global power, is creating in many
cities a pessimistic view of the immediate futura:
In this pesslmlstlc seenarlo, processes of globalization drlven by the accumulatlon strategles of transnational
corporatlons 1re sean as central, while state restrueturing is perceived as largely based on the neo-Uberal agenda.

In such a context, increased local autonomy is the privilege of a few global
cities, while the scope and contents of innovation in urban govemance are
dictated by market imperativas.
The optimistic scenario, by contrast, presents a discourse of "hope" according
to which economic and labor market policies implemented by local govemments
can foster a progressive, general and sustainable alternative both ·to obsolete
Keynesian and discredited neo-liberal strategies - an alternativa that supports
growth together with social equity, more genuine democratic participation and
improved quality of life.

�3.- Technotogical changes: a new economy in a new space
But befare evaluating possible scenarios, we must observe one fact, almost an
empirical affirmation: our societies are moving at an accelerated pace from the
pyramid to the web. That is to say, they are ceasing to be hierarchical,
mononuclear and predictable and are becoming reticular, polycentric and open
realities.

Í This profound global transformation, the causes of which we will discuss shortly,
presents opportunities and challenges, both from an economic and social point
of view. 1 will try to explain how, in arder to take advantage of these
opportunities and confront these challenges, it is particularly important to equip
oneself with efficient, flexible and public policies based on cooperation. In
addition, in arder to make these policies effective, they must be deeply linked to
each specific location, to each territory. Territory meaning here a triangle
formed by terrirorial govemment, universities and firms.
1 propase, then, the consideration of the well known paradox: in an
interconnected and polycentric society, the importance of local factors increases
instead of decreasing]What política! implications should we extract from this
Uobservation? Let's have a look.

J

The motor fer the move from pyramid to web is, above all, technological. The
development of information technologies has allowed for profound changes.
Manuel Castells explained this in clear fashion: "Productivity, competitiveness ,
communication and, finally, power depend essentially on the capacity to
generate knowledge and to process information in all areas of the economy and
society".
From a territorial point of view, ene of the consequences of the development of
these technologies - among which the Internet is, without
expression -

adóubt, the highest

is the reduction of spatial barriers. That is to say, the physical and

administrative obstacles that, over the centurias, have made the movement of
information, capital and goods difficult, tend to be drastically reduced.
This removal of spatial barriers has led to a much higher capacity far the
mobility of factors: greater volatility of capital, more rapid diffusion of

t&lt;

�innovations,

configuration

of

integrated

and

selectiva

channels

of

communication.
And this greater mobility breaks up the geography of countries and regions and
integrates them into networks. These ínclude networks of individuals,
companies and universities. They are flexible networks that are constantly
changing and often do not rely on a rigid hierarchical structure. Therefore, it is
difficult far any territorially based power, be it

a

municipality, a state ar the

European Union, to control them. But it not true that nothing can be done to
overcome these difficulties.

4.- Our challenges: advantages and fears of certain liberties that do not
belong to everyone

The economic and social opportunities presentad by this development are
enormous. We will mention only one, the most obvíous one: the United States
has undergone the longest uninterrupted growth cycte in its history (interrupted
only by what may be one of the shortest crisis, if the optimistic data of the past
few days is true) without inflatíon, only interrupted in 2001 to give way to a
period of stagnation that seems to be on the mend. This is a period of growth

that escapes, then, the classic parameters of economic cycles and, although
offering any single explanation is still risky, it must doubtlessly have something
to do with the ínvestment in technology and the organizational changas that this
investment has brought about.
In addítion, the monopoly on information and knowledge that has been in the
hands of a few people for centuries has been broken. This information and
knowledge is now freely accessible, at least to eveíyone who is integrated into
the web.
However, this new situation, this increase in free spaces, is not exempt from
risks. In the first place, the transition from rigidly hierarchical systems to a
situation in which - as Brecht's Galileo would say -"each one and no one can
be the center", produces a certain vertigo. But the risks do not only arise from

�the difficulty in adapting to changes. In effect, the freedom that the web offers
can also represent an exclusion factor. One of territorial and social exclusion.
In many parts of the globe, the access to the web is impossible for vast
numbers of the population. Thus, the differences between that third of the
world's population that lives in relatively well-integrated areas and the remaining
two thirds are at risk of widening. This is true not only for the countries of the socalled third world. Even in the most advanced countries, bread territorial areas
are being marginalized due to reasons of weak infrastructures or by price
differences. This is the case with rural areas of the United States, and it could
well happen in various European countries, including Spain.
In my region, Catalonia, ene of the densest and most advanced in Spain, the
deadline fer connection between the 41 district or county capitals through a
wide band network has not been respectad. lt was assumed that it would be in
place a year ago. lt has not. Now the quasi-monopolist of telecommunications,
Telefónica, accounting for 86% of total communications as against 14% far the
hundred companies in the trade, has offered ADSL solutions, accepted by the
Catalan

govemment,

but not completely by the almost 800 hundred

municipalities (out of 900 existing ones) organized in a powerful net called
Localret. This net is decisive since the subsoil or underground cartography is
mainly in its hands and operators need it badly.
This is a fascinating conflict involving majar and lesser operators (i.e., monopoly
and competition) as well as major and smaller political authorities.
The "A" in Adsl meaning asynchronic (or asymmetric) services, that is to say,
wide discharging capacity or consumption capacity and lesser sending or
production capacity, the present solution is suitable for operators but not for
local representatives. You can buy a marvelous version of Beethoven's Ninth
Symphony living in the mountains 200 hundred Kms away from Barcelona, but
you cannot send your own musical production from there. Conclusion: you can
be a far away consumer but not a far away producer. The whole tale about
ubiquity of production becomes simply not true.

(Recall the Stockholm "Bangemann Challenge" story)

�Furthermore, society's development of knowledge could ampHfy social differences in the same way: dueto reasons of
age, training, and capacity far adaptation in very large sactors of the population.

5.- The need for public policies: the inevitability of technotogical
transformation (but not of its social consequences}
In light of these challenges it is important to be aware that, as absurd as it is to
oppose technological transformation, there is no reason far us to have to accept
its negative impacts, either from the territorial viewpoint ar from the social
viewpoint. In fact, certain public policies can help to resolve, ar at least mitigate,
these negative effects.
These policies do not have to stem in any way from govemments' will to control
the development of the web, either in its economic or cultural aspects. This
constitutes a chimera that is impossible to accomplish from a technical
standpoint. In addition, it would be absolutely counterproductive.
In effect and quite counter to what it may seem, entering the new economy with
a specific social model is the only way by which European countries can
maintain and even increase the model of social protection and cohesion that
characterizes them. Only through the increase in productivity derived by such a
model will it be possible to achieve the necessary leeway for redistribution.
Thus, rather than trying to limit or control the development of the network, the
activity of governments must be directed at just the opposite: attempting to
facilitate the adaptation of society to the network and of the network to societal
potentialities. And avoiding that its development brings about an increase in
inequalities and factions among social and territorial groups.
In this sense, the formativa aspects upan which we can elaborate today are, in
my estimation, fundamental: ensuring the quality of education (not only through
the contents or the means available, but also through a substantial
improvement of work conditions and the social consideration of those who do
that work); incorporating ali social sectors, regardless of age or origin, in the

�knowledge pertaining to new technologies (with "literacy" campaigns about the
Internet); not allowing, at any cost, the differences among the various
educational centers (rural/urban, public/private) to lead to inequalities in terms
of opportunities far accessing the network.
Along with the formative aspects, it is imperative to ensure, logically, the
complete coverage (the more simultaneous the better) of the entire territory with
infrastructures that permit equal access to the web. lf the opposite becomes
true, the network's development will only lead to new marginal spaces. As such,
far from being a technical discussion, the debate over the territorial
development of the network is one loaded with political meaning: in reality, it
involves the equality of opportunities among citizens, regardless of their origin
and place of residence. And it means also a better profit far the countless
investments made historically in now deserted land and villages.

6.- The strategic importance of local factors and policies
In bringing these policies to term, in confronting these challenges, it could be
assumed at the outset that the activities of local and regional powers - cities,
and regions - are irrelevant. Thus, in a progressively interrelated world in which
economic agents vastly surpass local situations, the question could be asked,
"What importance can municipal or regional decision-making have?"
But here we come upon the lovely paradox: in a network-based society, the
importance of local factors, far from decreasing, actually increases. This is so
because the enhanced ability to choose between situating activities in one place
or another - placing a company in Barcelona, Lyon or Casablanca- increases
the importance of the comparative advantage that can be derived from each
location.
This is the basis of the "local renaissancé" which has been discussed so much
in recent years. This is the reason why local policies are taking on the highest
importance.
The success of the simultaneous policies of adaptation to the web and
maintenance of the social protection systems of small countries such as Finland

�ar The Netherlands provide irrefutable guidelines to follow in this field. The data
concerning these two countries are both impressive and inspirational.
In Finland, far example, 58% of the adult population has an advanced degree
related to science or technology, the public and prívate investment in R+D is
around 4% of the GDP, risk capital represents 0.15% of the GDP (compared to
the European average of 0.06% and Spain's 0.02%) and the Internet is used
regularly by 41.4% of the population. And ali of this occurs within the framework
of a Scandinavian-level social security system. This, without a doubt, is the road
to follow.
The transition from the pyramid to the web, from a hierarchical society to a
reticular one, opens enormous possibilities and presents important challenges.
And the future of Europe depends largely on our capacity to confront these
challenges from each and every one of our cities and regions.

(Source: PM, From the pyramid to the web)

7.- From citizenship to the city. Saskia Sassen, 03.07.97, Transformations of
Citizenship

Saskia Sassen has highlighted with excellent criteria three partial yet strategic
aspects of the political discourse regarding globalization. The first involves a
loss of accountability regarding quasi-govemmental activities carried out by
institutions, companies and prívate or deregulated organizations to whom the
market structure has bestowed certain powers. A propos of this, it is certainly
not too late to incorporate the example of opaque power of the agencies in
rating the irresponsibility of a certain large consulting company in the Enron
case. uunshrinking" the possibilities fer openness and accountability is also
within reach for the political activities of citizens concentrated in cities. In my
country, municipal pressure groups that demand higher quality energy
infrastructures are creating an incipient counterbalance to

the private

companies that provide energy. The private services managing toll freeways are
being obligated to enter into dialogue with municipalities affected by the terms

�of their concessions. The large ports in the Internet and the society of
knowledge offered by municipal libraries are competing with certain success to
lower the connection costs controlled by the telecommunícation multínationals.
In other words, the implementation of this new concept of citizenship that affects
not only private persons but also important collectives can retum to cities and
their new policies part of the power that disappears with this strategic
consequence of globalization.
Sassen finds the second strategic element of globalization in the growing
importance of human rights. She terms this dynamic, "the ascendancy of the
international human rights regime. In many ways, it reduces the significance of
nationally based citizenship in terms of rights attached to individuals, no matter
what the nationality in question might be. lmmigrants and refugees have ctearly
been a crucial instance through which this intemational human rights regime
has demonstrated sorne of its influence and power". Allow me to insist that the
reduction of nationally-based citizenship in terms of rights attached to
individuals finds its clearest reality ín terms of the city insofar as the city is the
continent of many of these rights. 1 return to my former reference: a citizen of
Barcelona coming from abroad can be a person deprived of certain rights
derivad of "nationalíty", for example the right to work or to unionize. But an
important battle is unfolding in arder to provide that citizen with all the rights of a
citizen . Citizens have many rights, but not all: the right to vote is missing for
sorne. In the new Barcelona Charter now passing through the prove of
Congress, a window is open to the possibility of immigrants locally censed even
if not nationally legalized, as well as of 16 to 18 year old youngsters to
participate in the elections of their disctrict or neighborhood representativas.
Comig back to Sassen, if she polnts out soma

ot the positiva and strateglc aspects of globallzatlon,

allow me to add to

the role of international justice organizations that monitor human rights the many examples that deepen the exercise of
these rlghts at the city lave!. Ona example of this would be the Networ1&lt; of Rafuga Clties that taka in authors deprived of
their rights to opinion In their countries of origin. Another would be the Network of Educatlng Cillas, that broadcasts
around the world local experiencas within the framework of respect and deepaning of these rights. We could add to
these the very existllflca of departments within the City Councll that specialize in promoting !hase rights within the city
environment as wall as in intervening in moments and areas of conflict. And we should no! neglect to mantlon the citizen
aspect of the NGO's that specialize in this area. Once agaln, it seems claar to me that lf globallzation does not serve to
create a network for confronting hierarchy, not e single one of these positiva strategic factors such as the fomentlng of
Human Rlghts wHI ever be achieved. Tribunal for the Milosevics and Bin Ladens, for su re, but services at the local level
for immigrants without papers, as well. Even if In that last issue, established citizens have lo have recognized thair right
to secura neighborhoods and decenl schools. Otherwise democracy befna such an lmperfect crealure, the b!nef¡js to

�be obtaloed by caplta!lzlng on fgar are h!nt¡istlcal!y hlgh. Needfe$S to polnt lhe rac;t thal most fascjst reglmes haye come
out of votes and nO! out o! "coups' .

The thlrd strateglc element that Sassen menllons is precisely the crisis of the classic concept of democratic
representation via the vote. By thls 1 mean the degree to which new and old collectives do not feet represented, l.e.
feminists, human rights advocates, immigrants.
lf she focuses her attantlon on !he progressive importance of international law, 1 also would llke to highlight the factors
of proximity, solidarity and participation that oughl to characterize cities. The representation of the city does not escape
the need to go further into the contradictions of that democracy that, in the sixties, wa oalled ''formal". But the city has (or
can hava) very powerful lnstruments far overoomlng "formalism•. The citizen, whether lndivldually as part of a collective,
feals this proximity to power by belng able to attend tha debates of their representativas In arder to promete publlc
interest initiatives. Tha intensive application of the principie of subsidiarity recognlzed in the Europaan Carter of Local
Autonomy can furthar optimiza the proximity of the citizenry to local powar lnsofar as thls Is eble to resolve a wider
spectrum of neads and establish a broadar array of programs. Finally, the right of participation at the local leve! far
surpasses the simple delegation of representation by means of the vote: topical municipal counclls and publlc heartngs
are two examples.
1 have chosen to follow the pattern of this article by Sassan first and toremost out of en lnterest in her strateglo
appreciation. Howaver, there is a sacond reason for this as well. lt involves the city. And !he city Is the most significan!
meaos by which to damonstrate that tha process of globallzation is not necassarily a "zero sum game" in which
increased global power m&amp;ans dlminished local power. The city can add value or diminlsh disadvantages as long as the
movement is from a hiararchical conception of political action to a web concapt. Both !he axtension of accountabillty as
well as tha dafanse of human rights and represantation of minority or individual rlghts have two routas for compllmentary
prograss: the "supranationar powars and influence (laws, lnstitutions, publlc opinion, etc) that are derivad from or are
mechanisms of globalizetion, and the deepaning of local autonomy and establishment of challenges of coordinatlon or
simply competition among lhese powers.
1 spoke before of a pessimistic scenario regardlng the globalization process as well as a contrasting one of optimism.
Now that it Is in vague among certain individuals to qualify the Post-Fordian modal as a Nao-Schumpeterian modal, it
would be a good idea to remamber why Shumpater forecast the fall of capitalism. 1 illustrate with the ever sharp and
concisa words of Joan Robinson: "The increasa in the standard of living and tha diffuslon of aducation create a class of
unsatisfied intellectuals that channel aod articulate the resentment ot tha masses In faca of toequality, inaquality without
which capitalism cannot function. Above all, the business function becomes antiquated due to technologicai progr ess.
Wth !he devalopment of the large-scala compaoy and experimental sciance, true lnnovation is reduced to routine and
the buslnassman degenerates into a bureaucrat".
This lncrease in the standard of living has occurred In developlng countries, and education has baen diffusad. Thare
now exists a class of unsatisfied lntellectuals that denounce inequalities. But techoological progress has etimulatad the
appearance of new, innovative entreprenaurs that, using experimental sciances as a basls, have lnnovated in nonbureaucratlc ways. And some·analysts, though lacking necessary indicators and about which 1will speak later, balieve
that the models ot local progressive power are not indifferent to tha continuad fight against lnequafüy and !he resulting
apparition of new opportun~ies for innovation.

8.- Global village or world of cities

What stirs people up are cities because cities are the real probfem, the problem
that is visible. But people's unstoppable instinct is to conglomerate, to live

�The truly interesting thing is the way in which these vast new spaces are
realizing that their fundamental intemal policy is the building of the backbone of
a system of powertul cities: Eurocities and the Regions Committee, Mercocities,
CityNet in Asia, United Towns of Africa, etc.

Two years from now, in 2004, in Paris, the United Cities Organization will be
created alongside the U.N.O.

The fact is that an advanced group of daring cities have begun to construct a
network of world cities. Even if we speak of cycles of optimism and pessimism,
we ought to speak about the accumulation of future phases and past phases, in
each moment of time, with more or less dramatic adjustments).
Sorne bibliographical references and sources on thls process of creation of Uniled Cilies along side the Unlted Nations
include the following:
Río-Barcelona Oeclaration 1992***: two hopes with the name city. Agenda 21.
The works by J. Borja'*, M. Castells**, Jorge Wilhem, F.E. Cardoso, M. Cohen (World Bank..): J would call them
"sociologists in the conques! of action". 1 should add Jaime Lemer.
lstanbul OO. AMCAL Declaratlon (Assembly of Clties and Local Authorltles)'*. HABITAT Declarallon 2••.
Amsterdam, May 15-16, 1997. European summlt of reglons and clties. Final Declaration. Rapport Stoiber-Gomes. Final
PMM Speech**

European Charter on local autonomy ••. Councll of Europa.
European Union Treaty. Preamble.
Cities in a Globalizing World: Global Report on Human Setllements 2001
Jan. 25-30, 2002, World Social Forum. Porto Alegre

Befare coming to the last point in my proposal, 1judge it necessary to qualify
the premature appearance of the concept of globalization and of the global
village in one of the following ways:
•

as a sublimation based on a thin empirical veneer;

•

as a genuine hope of peace;

�prices in poor sections is good and pulling them down in rich ones is also
welcome.
3.

Creating a battery of common indicators, with cultural fork if
necessary. Towards a virtual market of cities on the following issues: 1)
pollution, 2) noise, 3) crime, 4) accidents, 5) housing costs, 6) education levels,
7) health (life expectancy, infant mortality, UBA cost), 8) justice, 9) public
transportation commercial speed.

These are the analytical, behavioral and policy implications of the socalled Barcelona model.

To wrap things up, let me conclude by saying that the radical critique of the
neoclassical model has become oldish.

The assumption of a fully informed

market is more real today than during the first half of the last century; the
mobility of production factors has grown to levels unimaginable in those times
(who remembers the Hecksher-Ohlin theorem ?), and even the divisibility of
productlon factors is greater. One could certainly maintain a radical criticism of
static analysis { of the "terrible pedantry of static analysis" of which talked Joan
Robinson).
But economic analysis offers two equally plausible exits: A system of
hierarchically arranged cities that operate independently from the main centers
of power where only the first tier plays a significant role in a society close to
total globalization. Ora system of network cities that compete, cooperate, unite
and innovate by providing added value, minimizing inconveniences and
strengthening the advantages of a globalized world.
Therein líes the challenge. The first is a rather static model providing a good
analytical tool. The second is a rather dynamic model clase to economic policy.

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Ntalv
il Ajuntament

Discurs

de

l'Excm.

Sr.

de Barcelona

Alcalde

de

Alcaldia
Gabinet de
Comunicació

Barcelona

al

Plça. S. Jaume s/n.
08002 Barcelona
Telèfon: 301 07 07
Tèlex: 54519 Laye e

City Council

de

Toronto

Toronto, 8 de febrer 1,988

^, w

�HONORABLE MAYOR, CITY COUNCILLORS, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,

IT IS A GREAT HONOUR, AS THE MAYOR OF BARCELONA, TO
ADDRFSS THESE WORDS, TODAY, TO THE CITY COUNCIL OF
TORONTO.

TRIS IS NOT AN ORDINARY EXPERIENCE. THESE CONTACTS
ARE NORMALLY HELD BETWEEN MAYORS.

ALTHOUGII THESE CONTACTS ARE, MOST OF THE TIMES,
POSITIVE, I FEEL GRATEFUL FOR HAVING THE OPPORTUNITY AND
THE HONOUR TO TALK. TO THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CITY ON
THE WHOLE.

IN DEMOCRATIC COUNTRIES THE CITY HALL IS, IN MANY
WAYS, A PRIVILEGED INSTITUTION. IT ALSO HAS, INDEED,
S OME INCONVENIENTS.

FOR THE C ITIZEN S, THE CITY HALL IS THE CLOSEST
^►-

�—3—

POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE REQUEST.

THIS HAS TWO POSITIVE EFFECTS FOR DEMOCRACY:

1) IT GIVES US THE CHANCE TO HAVE A BETTER KNOWLEDGE OF
THE PROBLF.MS AND NEEDS OF THE CITIZENS.

2)

IT A.LLOWS THE CITIZENS TO HAVE MORE FREQUENT AND

INTENSE CONTROL OVER TfiE :^UNICIPAL POWER AND BEHAVIOUR.

THESE EFFECTS ARE ALSO POSITIVE WHEN THE CITY HALL
PARTICIPATES IN ECONOMICAL AND SOCIAL ACTIVITIES WHICH
ARE OF THE CITY I"_dTEREST. WE IIAVE SOME OF THESE EXAMPLES
IN BARCELONA.

AS FOR THE INCOI`1VENIENTS, WE SHOULD KEEP IN MIND
THAT SOME OF THE DECISSIONS THAT CONCERN THE CITIZENS —
AND SOI•4ETIMES THESE ARE VERY IMPORTANT DECISSIONS— ARE '
OUT OF REACH AND CONTROL OF THE CITY HALL.

THAT IS WHY WE BELIEVE IN PROTECTING THE MUNICIPAL

�—4—

AUTONOMY AND IN KEEPItiG A CONTINUOS DIALOGUE I'dITH TIIE
OTHEP. PO[v'ERS AND ADï•IINISTRATIONS IN ORDER TO REDUCE THAT
INCONVENIENT TO THE LILIIT.

I DO THItdY. THAT THE CITIZENS OF TORONTO AND
BARCELONA HAVE SOME SIGNIFICATIVE RESEMBLANCES.

IN TIIE F IR ST PLACE, DYNAM I SM .

MANY CITIES SIr°IPLY ACCEPT WHAT HISTORY HAS LEFT
THROUGH THE YEAPS AND THIS IS ALL THEY HAVE. I BELIEVE
THAT THIS IS NOT THE CASE OF OUR CITIES.

THEY ARE THE CAPITALS OF WEALTHY REGIONS BUT THEY
ARE NOT THE CAPITALS OF THE NATION.

THEY HAVE THE SAME EXPENSES AS THE CAPITALS OF THE
STATE BUT THEY CAN NOT ENJOY THE ADVANTATGES THAT SUCH `
STATUS :'IAY OFFER.

THEY ARE CENTERS OF URBAN AGGLOMERATIONS WITH A

�SIMILAR

DEMOGRAPHIC IMPORTANCE:

AROUND 3

MILLION

I NHABITANTS .

AND THEY ARE IMPORTANT CENTERS OF COMMUNICATION .

I HONESTLY B1LIEVE THAT WE CAN EXCHANGE OUR
EXPERIENCES IN SOME OF THESE MATTERS.

NE FEEL VERY INTERESTED BECAUSE WE ARE SURE WE CAN
LEARN MUCH FROM TORONTO.

AS YOU KNOW,

BARCELONA IS GOING THROUGH AN

EP.'THUSIASTIC STAGE IN ITS PROGRESS.

WE HAVE GREAT EXPECTATIONS IN FRONT OF THE 1992
OLYMPIC GAMES WIiICI-I WE ARE ORGANISING. WE KNOW, THOUGH,
THAT THIS IS ALSO AN IMPORTANT COMMITMENT .

IT IS A GREAT CHANCE FOR BARCELONA TO DO NEARLY
EVERYTHING IT HAD BEWI LEFT TO DO AND WE EXPECT TO DO IT
•

RI G H T .

�BUT PIE ARE ALREADY THINKING ABOUT THE DAY AFTER TIIE
GAMES BECAUSE WE WANT TO KEEP ON 47ORKING WITH THE SAME
DRIVE THAT :';E HAVE NOW .

CITIES ARE CENTERS OF VITALITY AND CREATIVITY.

THERE ARE COMMERC IAL CENTERS BY DEFINITION. IN MOST
CASES FROM THEIR BLGINNINGS IN THE OLD MARKETS AS IT WAS
THE CASE OF TORONTO AND BARCELONA.

THEY ARE SPOTS OF FREEDOM FOR COMPARING IDEAS AND
FOR PPRTICIPATION.

CITIES IIAVE COMMON PROBLEMS BUT NOT DIRECT
DIFFERENCES BECAUSE THEY DO NOT HAVE BORDERS TO DEFEND

OR SOVEREIGNTIES

TO

BE RESPECTED.

THAT IS THE REASON WHY CITIES CAN UNDERSTAND ONE
ANOTHER SO WELL.

�I AM CONVINCED OF THE FACT THAT CITIES WILL
PROGRESSIVELY

INCREASE THEIR RELATIONSHIPS.

THIS WILL IMPROVE THE ATMOMPHERE OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONSHIPS AND WILL BE A CONCRET CONTRIBUTION FROM
THE CITIES TO INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND COOPERATION.

LET'S SET TORONTO AND

BARCELONA TO WORK IN THIS

DIRECTION.

LET'S MAKE THESE TWO CITIES AN EXAMPLE OF HARMONY
AND COLLA BORATION.

A PATTERN FOR A POSSIBLE WORLD CITY

SYSTEM IN THE

FUTURE.

THANK YOU

VERY MUCH FOR YOUR KIND ATTENTION.

�</text>
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                    <text>23/04/2006

Entrevista:Pasqual
Maragall*

"CIU ha tingut la paella pel
m~nec per estirar I’Estatut
aquí i rebaixar-lo

a Madrid"

ERC
¯ "Aras’hantrobatqueaquells
ambels qualsconfiaven
a anarjuntsenel maximalisme
dela
pretensió
nacionalista
els handeixata l’estacada;
aixbjustificariael seudesconcert"
PSC.
"Ésel partit
quehaactuatentot el procés
d’unamanera
més
cartesiana,
lleial i transparent"
Per Vicent Sanchis
asqual Maragall acaba de
tancar tot just la segona
crisi del seu mandat.L’octubre passat fortes desavinences ambels tres partits que integren el seu governvan
impedir que el president de la Generalit at aconseguísconcretar la remodelació que havia pret0s. Ara, perS,
tot ha anat d’una altra manera. Maragall ha aconseguit renovar el seu
executiu, per5 no s’ha estalviat tampoc algunes tensions afegides. Sis
consellers nous garantiran, segons
afmíaael president, arribar al final
de la legislat~ra.

vern pt~cisament ambla idea contr~ria...

p

President,
perqu~
li éstandificilfercanvisenungovern
decoalició?
Noés tan diñcil... És delicat, és més
complexfer-ho en un governde coalició que en un de monocolor.El govern de Zapatero inclou nomésun
partit, no ha de discutir res amb
ningú. Aquísón tres partits i cal discutir-ho tot entre tots.
Serémésconcret.
¿Nohauriaestatmolt
més
f~cil trucaralsdirigents
decada
fnr;apolíticai resoldre
la qüestió
amb
unes
telefnnades
i sense
tantdesnrnll?
Aix5que diu vostOés e] que hemfet.
Nomésque, comque els tenim aquí
al costat, no costa res demanar-los
que vinguin...

Dasprés
d’aqnest
canvi,sembla
havar-se
fet explícita
la seva
voluntat
d’exhan
rir
aquesta
legislatura...
És bcn evident que aquesta ha estat
la meraintenció. Tambéli he de dir
que malhavia dir el contrari.

Hihagentquedeiaquevost~
havia
previstla remodelació
perdesprés
del
referéndum.
Hi ha gent que deia que era millar. Jo
he cregut sempreque no, perqu0 no
hi ha cap motiu per pensar que les
vi~Xutsdel canvi no hagin de ser més
grans commésaviat es faci.

Vast~sapque,arrandelpacte
sobre
restatutentreArturMas
i José
LuisRodriguez
zapatero,
esvadirqueI’acord
i mplicavaconvocar
eleccions
després
del referéndum...
En aquesta hipStesi noméshi ha un
problema important...

Qn~intentavast~amb
aquesta
remodelació?
Donar
mésfor~.aal govern?
Evident. En el doble sentit de trobar
perffls totalment adequatsa les
funcions que s’han de tirar endavant
i en el sentir tambéde crear un
revulsiu, prémerl’acceleradar de
l’acció de govern ambsang nova.

Es el president qui ha de convocarles
eleccions. I sóc ja tambéquivol arribar al final de la legislatura.
Per6també
és normal
pensar
que,desprésd’unprocés
constituent,
amb
la modificació
dela Ilei b~sica
delpaís,esfa
necessari
obrirunanovaetapaamb
la
convocatoria
d’eleccions.
Me’npot posar algun cas coma
exemple?
Lamateixa
Constitució
espanynla
exigeix
aquest
reqnisitenel casd’nnamodificacióqueafectialgun
delsarticles
b~sics.
Per5 no parlem del mateix. L’Estatut
no ho demanai no crec que sigui estrictament neeessari ara convocar
e]eccions. Acabode zemodelarel go-

El president
Zapatero
acaba
defer uns
canvis
perimposar
unanova"politica
social",
tal com
diuell mateix.
¿vost~
té
alguna
ideab~lsica
enaquest
sentit?En
quins
aspectes
incidir~lmés
el seugovern
enel quequeda
delegislatura?
En aix6 estera bastant d’acord. La
majoñade les iniciatives ja preses i
que han tingut pocavisibilitat tenen
a veure ambaix5. L’~mfasien la
FRANCESC
MELClON

¯ Passa
a la p~gina6

�23/04/2006

Entrevista:PasqualMaragall*

FRANCESC
MELCION

qüestió educativa i en la sanitaria ho
expressen claramant. Comtambé ho
expressa clarament la devolució de
compet~ncies,de La llei de barris. El
territori no noméscoma ~mbit
teóric, sinó coma 1]ocon les coses
passen. I aquí hi ha les claus de ]a
nostra governaciói tot aix0
s’accentuar~ encara més a pai%ir
d’ara. Ambun afegit ó, que és de
reclosió de les iniciatives en materia
de te]ecomunicacions.

Perqu~en un país que ha estar
Cerdssim.
durant tot el període democrittic
governat per una sola for~a, encerar Si la majoria
parlamenthria
a partird’ara
aquesta nova fórmula... En un país
a Madrid
hadeserPSOE
i Convergencia
i
que és una nació, cosa que encara no Unió,i aquíla maJoria
la formen
el PSC
i
se li havia reconegut,on hi ha
Esquerra,
¿aquesta
contradicció
no
nacionalistes i no nacionalist es al
tindr~elsseusefectes
a Catalunya?
govern, que és d’esquerra, assajar,
No, contradiceió, no. Alguna
coms’ha fet, una fórmula semblant difieultat, sense dubte. Per5 o somo
no és gens sanzill. De fet, per aquesta no som./,Creiem o no creiem que
complexitat del governila seva
Catalunya és una nació? Si ho
composiciói e]s seus objectius
creiem, doncs resulta que nosaltres
passentotes les línies de forqa de la
hemde tirar milles, hemde
Qu~passar~
amb
la reforma
dela Ilei
complexitat de la governació de
continuar avan~ant, hemde tragar
Catalunya
i
d’Espanya.
En
bona
camí. El que passi en el conjunt
territorial?
Aix5és una altra cosa. Ambles neis
mesura,el que va passar, el ha passat d’Espanya és enormement
tenim una recanqa i, d’altra banda,
i el que est~ passant aquí marca
important, per5, en tot cas, no ha
d’impedir que nosaltres, si somuna
un desig i una obligació. La recan~a bastant el to del que ha suec~it a tot
és no tornar-nos a enfarfegar en un
Espanya.En aquest sentit, tot i les
nació, tinguem un govern i una
dificultats, que han hagut de ser
política propis.
procés en qu~les lleis siguln més
moltes, més de les que havíem
importants que la gover~ació. Per~
tambéhi ha una obligació, que és que previst, podemdir que nosaltres
I vost~saguantaran
la situació?
Aguantarem.
en aquestalegislatura s’ha dllaver, sl hemestat la punta de ]lan~a d’una
no acabar, si plantejat el conjunt del modificació substancial del mapa
marclegal de Catalunya. Crec que és polític de rEspanyaplural.
President,
parlem
deI’Estatut.¿Ésun
diñcil que aquests processos tan
bonEstatutel quehaaprovat
el Congrés
llargs i tan ]ents de les ]leis
Li pregontava
perla continu’itat
del
espanyol?
govern
tripartitenla pr6xima
legislatura.No, no és un bon Estatut, és un gran
fonamentals puguin arribar a bcn
port dins aquest mandat. Peró, en
Estatut. Unaaltra cosa és qulil judici
No,aix5 no s’acaba. Veigdifícli dir
faria jo deixem-hoper a més
tot cas, hemd’enllestir-ne unabona que aquesta etapa hist5rica s~~agi
par~ del recorrcgut, de maneraque
acabat. Aquestaetapa histórica
endavant, aixó- delproeés pel qual
en al mandatsegüent sigui possible,
continuar~c Algúdir~t que hemtingut s’hi ha arribar. 5Fíns a quln punt hi
pr~tcticamant tot just comen~ai;
moltes dificultats, molts ensurts,
ha hagut alts i baixos de vegades
rematar la tasca de fomentació
molts aceidents... Esth per veure que forqats, t~cties, que han fet que la
legislativa de] país.
aquests accidents, incidents i ensurts lectura deis resultats sigui una mica
no hagin estat ]’escala d’aprenentatge més complexadel que hauria de ser.
Pregunta
obligada,
araqueen parl¿
d’una governació méssólida.
Per qu~és un gran Estatut?
Vost~
té la i ntenció
detornar-se
a
presentar...
I quan
s’acaba
rescola
i comen~.a
I’ofici? Perqu~ho té tot. Qu~li falta? Els
Notinc per qu~ no fer-ho.
Li puc bcn garantir.., comho diría?
aeroports i les autopistes? D’acord.
...s’apr~n a copsa la vida. VUlldir
Ja hi som, sobre aixó. Possiblement
Pensa
repetirla mateixa
fórmula?
¿Hi
que.., n’hemaptos.
alguns deis seITells que queden
haur~
també
govern
tripartit enla
s’hagin de resoldre no en l’Estatut,
pr6xima
legislatura,
enel casquevnst~ Vost~creu que, desprésdel pacteentre
que potser tampoc estava
goanyi
leseleccinns?
Zapateroi Mas, EsquerraRepublicana
históricament pensat per recollir
El tripartit ha tingut una vida
queda
despenjada
delsseusacords
amb aquest tipus de detaiis. Hauria estat
agitada, una cofia d’ensur~s, de
el PSOE
i el seugovern
a Madrid?
¿Éscert bé que hi fossin, per5 potser havíem
queli convenia
al PSOE,
després
dela
estat massa ambiciososi aixó hagi
momentsdifiefls, etcétera. No
esperhvemque los tan aixL Vist des
campanya
fortlssima
del PPcontra
de venir per la via d’uneslleis que
d’ara, ho podíemhaver pensat.
Esquerra,
desfer-se’n?
tornin a Catalunya dues coses que

i són les que Ii falten des del punt de
i vista de l’equitat económicai que
hem aconsegult amb aquest Estatut:
la fórmula generali el compromísen
les inversions. Per contra, falt aria
£ONTINUTTAT reformar alguns deis sistemes de
"~sevidentquela redistribució econ6micaque té
l’Estat i que passen no per la via de
meva
intenciÓ
és exhaurir
la redistribució global, que és
la legislatura"
l’óptima, sinó per lavia de capses
tancades de redistribució, en l’hmbit
PACTE
PSOE-CIU de les autopistes o deis aeroports.
"L’Únicproblema
és Esth demostrat matem~tticament,
queés el president en teoremes económics, que si
qui convoca
les
s’optimitzen capses tancades,
eleccions"
trossos de l’economia,no s’arriba a
l’óptim mal. Moltes vegades és
qüestió de canviar d’un sector a un
REPETIR
"Notino perqu~no altrc, no que aquest sector s’aguanti
tenir la intencióde per el] mat eix. Quehi hagi una
tornar-me
a
transferencia de recursos entre
presentar"
sectors. El sistemes actuals de
redistribució de recursos, en ports i
COALIClÓ
aeroports, d’una banda, ila
"Elsincidents
i els inequitat que hi ha en materia de
ensurtsal govern peatges, de l’altra, són dos afegitons
hanestatescola que hemde fer en e] sistema actual
d’aprenentatge" perqud sigul 5ptim. I n’hem
conven~ute] govern, per5 hemfet
ESQUERRA
tard per encabli’-ho a ]’Estatut. Ara,
"Éscertissimque s’ha guanyat la batalla moral.
araconvenia
al
tan
PSOE
desfer-se
dels Amiemfa I’efectequeells noestan
republicans"
preocupats
perteoriesecon6miques
com
perla titularitatdelesinstal.lacions.
Si
esdiscuteix
sobre
I’aeroport
de
NACIÓ
"Si somunanació, Barcelona,
perexemple,
el problema
és
hem
de superarla quiencontrola
la titularitat...
dificultatdelpacte Qui són ens?
entrePSOE
i CIU"
El govern
deI’Estat.
Anema paros. Reeonec que hi ha
corporacions estatals que tenen
aquesta preocupació, que s’han
identificar ambla funció. Aix6 no és
bo. Am~s,d’altra banda, aquestes
funcions entren cada vegada més
dins la lógica del mercat, que
és una altra... És el cas dels
aeroports.

�23/04/2006

Enaquest
sontit,¿vosté
amb
quicreuque
hi hamésproblemes,
amb
Aena,com
a
prupiet&amp;ria
delsaeroports,
o amb
el
~overn
s quecentral?
tot aix5 és Estat. El governés
Estar iAenaés Estar. Si vost~ era
pregunta qui ofereix més resistencia
a cedir les instal.lacions de] Prat, Ta
qüestió no és aquesta. La qüestió és
qu~ és bptim. Quiho intel~preta. Pot
interpretar-ho l’Estat o les
autonomies, d’una banda, o el
mercat,de l’altra, que en el fons, en
aquesta qüestió concreta, és qui
acabar&amp;decidint. Nohi haur&amp;
manera d’impedü" que f’ma]ment
s’imposin els avantatges de
l’efici~ncia que s’obté ambun
funcianament mercantil en sectors
que han estar tradicionalment de
titularitat pública.
Ou~passa
amb
la fórmula
fnal ques’ha
acabat
aprovant
sobreel finanfament?
També
és unagranfórmula?
És el canvi que esper&amp;vem
fa vint
anys. Miri, el sistema que teníemjo
personalmentno l’havia entes mal.
Sijo tornés a ]a universitat, les una
classe i era preguntessin com
í~nciona, ho tindria mdit negra per
poder-hoexplicar. Nohi havia una
racionalitat senzilla i explicable. Ara
s’ha avanqat molt en aquest sentir,
encara que en el futur es millori més.
S’ha avanzaren el sentit que
Catalunya ha assentat en el seu
Estatut uns principis que acabaran
sant els p~incipis federals, per
entendre’ns, del sistema. Aquests
principis són que hi ha d’haver una
proporeionalitat entre resfor~ fiscal i
els resultats, el primer.I el segan,
que hi ha d’haver una
preporeionalitat durant un període
de tempslIarg entre Ta participació
de cada territori en el producte
interior brnt i el volumde les
hiversions de l’Estat.
Enel cas de les inversions, aix5
implica un 50 per cent més, per als
pr5x~nssiso set anys, que les que
l’Estat fa en aquests momentsa
Catalunya. En el campdel
f’manQanmnt
dels serveis queda
establert que efectivament hi ha un
mecanismede solidaritat, per5 que
quedaquantificat i que, per tant,
és explicable,intel-ligible i
acceptable.
Multbé. Per6aquest
finan;ament
noés
ni debun
trusel queesvaaprovar
al
Parlament.
En materia de fman~amentde

serveis, ]a filosofia és la mateixa.] en
materia d’inversions, si ha passat
alguna cosa és que hemmillorat.
NOésel casdela recaptació
d’impostos
ni
deI’ag~ncia
tributarias..
En aquest ~mbit, el que hemfet és
iniciar un camí. S’hancreat tres
ag~ncies:la de ]’Estar, que ja existia,
la de la Generalitat i una de
conjunta. I es preveu que aquesta
tercera pugui acabar absorbint les
altres dues. És veritat, no s~a fet de
cop una agencia tribut ~z~ia, per5 s’ha
marcat el camíper arribar-hi.

ESTATUT
"No,noés unbon
Estatut,ésungran
Estatut"
MANCANCES
"Qu~
hi falta?Els
aeroports
i les
autopistes?
Jahi
som,sobreaix6"
FINANI;AMENT
"Ésel canvique
esper&amp;vem
fa vint
anys;el queteniem
o norhaviaentes
mai"

Amiemsembla
quela rebaixa
ésnotable.
Perquévanapujar
tantel Ilistóa
Catalunya
si després
rhavien
d’abaixur
a
Madrid?
Aix6hadeixatmaltagent
descol’locada
i, enel casdelgovern,
ha
fet queundelstrespartitsqueI’iutegrin
sen’hagi
excl6s.
Enel cas d’aix5 darrer que diu, c~~c
A6ENCIA
"Ésveritatqueno que dep~nmésde]s gestos i dels
s’hafet d’uncop
escenaris que no pas dels continguts
l’ag~ncia
tributfiria, del mateix Estatut. Entot cas, és
perohi arribarem" evident que la mateixa dinhmicade la
c]audicació de l’Estatut hiportava. El
REFER(=NDUM vat de CiUara no era necessari. És
"Noenshemdefer millor que hi sigui, pe~~5no cal. En
canvi, en l’aprovació al Parlamentde
grans
il.lusions
Catalunya no hihavia Estatut sense
sobrela
participació"
ens. Convergenciatenia aquí la paena
)el mknecen el sentir d’estirar. Com
desprésl’ha tingut en el sentit de
DURADA
"Aquest
Estatutha rebaixar, curiosament. L’ha tingut
arribatper quedar- perqu~a ]’Estat ii ha convingut.Noa
Catalunya. Aix8per a nosalt~es no
Vs"
era necessari. Per5 ho era per al
governespanyol. Aquís’ha praduit
aquesta concatenacióestranya...
Per6el PSC
nohafet exactament
el
mateix?
NOhacontribuft
a la rebaixa
de
I’Estatuta Madrid?
Sí, per5 el PSCho va dir des del primer
dia. Convergenciano va dir mal que
estirarien al m~xim
i que despuésja
afluixarien. Nova dir-ho mal perqu~
després s~lauria complicattot. El PSC
sí que va dir quenosaltxeshi ha coses
que Convergenciai Esquerra, en
aquest cas concatenades, ens van
obligar a aprovar que no veiem
i possibles. Es va dir i aix5 va moure
i turbu]~ncies dins el PSCsobre
i ropo~¢anitato no de fer-ho. Es va
i avisar: ’~Nosaltresa Madridtindrem
: problemesambtot aixS".
Convergenciaha acCuat ambmolta
astúcia mésque en un sentir nacional.
Se lipot perdona~.Sí, perqu~és a
l’oposiciói, per tant, hiteniael dret.
FRANCESC
MELEION

¯ Passa
a la pagina
8

�23/04/2006

Entrevista: PasqualMaragall*

ESQUERRA
"CIUelshadeixata
I’estacada;
aixb
i justificael seu
enuig"

Els partits pobres, de treballadors,
per dir-ho d’alguna manera,són els
que han de demanarals seus
militant s que paguin. Mentreque els
altres partits aquest problemano el
tenen, perqu~ja en tenen, de diners.
Quan
sete’nvala m&amp;,
deia...
Malanmnt.

El veigmoltoptimista
enla rectafinaldel
seumandat.
Home,obrim una nova etapa que,
malgratles dificultats inicials,
perqu~ els canvis sempre causen
alteracions i pertorbacions en el
panoramapolitic, és esperan~adora
psc
per la qualit at del nou equip. Ambun
"Estíomoltcontent panoramaen qu~ l’embolcall de
ambel meupartit, l’Estatut deixar&amp;de ser opressiu.
perqu~,
a més,el
Després del referéndumdel 18 de
juny ens trobarem amb un govern
resultatés bo"
rodat i en perfectes condicionsper
i CRISI
aconseguir els objectius que
"Totselspartits
busquem.
handefensatque
queestractad’ungranEstatut.
els seusconsellers Afirma
nopleguessin"
¿preveu
també
ungranresultarenel
referéndum
del 18 dejuny?
Sempre he pensat que no ens hem de
! VENDRELL
lar enormesil.lusions respecte a La
"Hem
de donaral
participació. Perqu~la primera
nouconsellerun
vot deconfianza" vegada sempre és la més important.
En el momenten qu~ s’aprova
rEstatut es passa de zero a Estatut.
DINERS
FRANCESC
MELCION "Només
demanen Ara en canviemun per un altre. En
dinersals militants aquel] momentens est&amp;vem
Tenlael dret d’aprofitartotes ]es
tambéli dic que en tot aquest procés és 15gic.Eranmilit ant s del partit,
aquellspartitsque constituint coma país. Ara estera
oportunitatspe r tenir mésvisibilitat i
el que ha actuat d’una manera més
han fet una feina ambbona fe i quan
canviant La manera comens
protagonismodels que té normalment cartesLana, lleiali transparent ha
elpresident els diu que els vol
govel~em. En aquel] momenthi
unpartit situar a l’oposició.
estat el PSC.Noacuso de mala fe els substituir, posenels seus partits en
havia una sensació de fer histSria
altres. Per5sí o bé d’oscil-larionsi
una situació poc agradable. Per5
total. Araaix5 no hi és. Jo
canvis, o b~ d’ingenffitat. El PSCha
tothom ha entes que els canvis són
m’escaiTassaréper explicar a la
Acaba
dedir queEsquerra
rebutja
I’Estatutmés
pergestos
i escenaris
que estar meridi&amp;.Per aix5 estic molt
per millorar. En el cas concret de
ciutadania que estan eqaivocats en
pelcontingut
estricte
deltext...
content ambel meupartit. Molt.
Xavier Vendre]lli hem de donar un
aixS. Estera fcnt el que havíem
Esquerra va estac molt d’acord en
Perqu~,a més,el result at és
: vot de co~ffianQa.Crecque és una
d’haver fet la primeravegadai no
alguns casos, fms i tot va anar més
boníssim. Un gran Estatut. De un
persona que, comtotes, no es mereix
varo saber fer perqu~ no teníem
enl~- ambConverg~ncLaen la
l’experi~ncia necess~ria. El moment
canto en los dientes, comdirien en
que la jutgin abans dTmra."Oh, és
ponencia i al Parlament de
castell&amp;...
que ha com~serrors!", diuen...
en qu~ Catalunyas’est&amp; estatuint
Catalunya. Ara s’han trobat que
ambuna llei prSpia és més aquest
aquells ambels quals confiaven
¿Elrebuig
d’Esquerra
Republicana
li
Aquests
errorshanestatdenunciats
amb
que aquell. Arasí que estera en
d’anar junts -per dir-ho d’alguna
comportar~J
problemes
de cohabitació
en contondéncia
perI’oposició
i hanacabat
condicions de dir que Catalunya és
protagonitzant
totel canvidegovern...
manera- en el maximalismede la
el goverm?
u~anaciói volaix6 i ali5...
pretensió nacionalista que
Inieialmant. Hi ha un període de
i Algunsd’aquests errors són
comparteixene]s dos partSts els han turbul~ncies, per5 ho estem
importantsi tanmateix li haig de dir
Pertant, vosténopensa
enunareforma
deixat en l’estacada per sorpresa.
arreglant.
que, sent comsóc molt clític amb
estatut~ria
finsd’aqui
a vintanysmés...
Aix5justificaria el desconcert
alx6 -i seré molt exigent en aquesta
Quanse’n fa una, després petits
d’EsquerraRepublicanai seria la
També
hi ha hagutproblemes
amb
canvis ja fan menysbasarda. Hi
linia- els argumentsde la dreta no
causa del seu enuig.
Esquerra
enla crisi degovern.
m’impressionen gens. Demanar
haur&amp;lloc per fer petits retocs, per5
Concretament
perla destitució
del
diners als militant s és el que fan els
jo erec que aquest Estatut ha arribat
Si Zapatero
hagués
fet el pacteamb
conseller
Joan
Carretero.
pa;¢its que no en tenen.
per quedar-se molts anys. ¯
Tots els partits han defensat que e]s
Carod,
enIloc defer-hoamb
Mas,enels
mateixos
termes,
Esquerra
hauriaquesi? consellers que havien de plegar no ho I si set’escapa
la m&amp;,
perdir-ho
d’alguna
Aix6ja és...I sí, i sí... He,he... Vost~
ja fessin. Tots tres ho han viscut amb
manera,
i en demanes
als quenosÓn
* Pasqual
Maragall
éspresident
dela
entén perfcctamentel que livuUdir. I una micade disgust, coma pai~its. I militants...
Generalitat
i CIU
"ConvergOncia
ha
actuat ambmés
astúciaquesentir
nacional"

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