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Ajuntament
de Barcelona
Alcaldia
Gabinet de
Comunicació
Plaça S. Jaume, s/n.
08002 Barcelona
Telèfon: 301 07 07
Tèlex: 54519 Laye e
CATALONIA AND SPAIN.-- Text of the lecture given by Pasqual
Maragall i Mira, Mayor of Barcelona, at St Antony's College.
Oxford, March the 7th 1986
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Ajuntament Tlir de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
Mr. Warden,ladies and gentlemen:
Thank you very much for your kind words of welcome. I would
like to thank you also for the opportunity I have to talk in this
house.
I am glad to bring for you the warmest regards of a former
student of this House, Mrs. Patricia Hutchinson, now HM Consul
General in Barcelona.
There is a debt that many Spaniards have and I want to
acknowledge here. We owe Professor Carr his contribution to the
History of Spain, which filled serious gaps in our education.
During the years of Franco's dictatorship we had to rely on
foreign books to imrpove our understanding of our own country.
Furthermore, I want to acknowledge the works of other authors,
such as the British Gerald Brennan, Stanley Payne and Hugh Thomas
or the American Gabriel Jackson and Edward Malefakis, and,
obviously, the French Pierre Vilar.
I would not be fair, however, if I did not pay hommage to an
emminent former guest of this House, Jaume Vicens Vives who,
appart from his contribution to Catalan and Spanish history,
represented so many people with enough faith in the future of the
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Gabinet de Comunicació
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country to go on working in spite of lack of freedom.
He was my professor in my first years of university. He was
who opened our eyes to Spanish History and explain us how the
Spanish Golden Century was also the Century of the "sopa boba".
Among other paradoxes, one of the outcomes of Spain's last
forty years is the amount
people who,
under diferent
circumstances, would have never gone into politics. In Britain,
for instance, politicians are more or less professionals. In
Spain, on the other hand, the iniquity of the regime made a great
deal of men and women change their vocations and devote
themselves to fight injustice. Thus, had Franco's rule not
existed, President Gonzalez would be probably now a lawyer in
Seville; Defence minister Narcis Serra would be teaching monetary
policy, which he learned partly in London School of Economics,
President Jordi Pujol perhaps had put into practise his Medicine
degree and I myself would be teaching International Trade or
Urban Economics thanks to the MA I got at the new School fo
Social Research, in New York, after trying Oxford through Jose
Antonio Martinez Alier.
I do not regret things as they are. I love my city and I
enjoy being mayor, every minute of it. And it is very likely
that my achievements on the academic field would have never
allowed me to give a lecture at St Antony's College whereas
o
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Gabinet de Comunicació
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politics has provided such privilege to me. I didn't go so much
beyond Quesnay and Ricardo, at Jonhs Hopkins in Baltimore.
Nevertheless, this particular upbringing makes us fall very
often under the temptation of academic amateurism. So I ask for
your benevolence if I surrender to that sin.
However, I am going to indulge myself in a way that seldom
do I permit myself at home. I will talk about my grandfather, and
I will not hide how proud I am of my name. I cannot do it in
Catalonia: I might be blamed, quite reasonably, of using a
national glory for my own political benefit.
As you well know, Joan Maragall, my father's father, was.not
only one of the greatest poets Catalan literature has produced,
but also a qualified spokesman of the prevailing feelings that an
enlightened Catalan bourgeoisie had in his years- end of last
century beginning of this one.
I will try to give you a brief survey on the past, the
present and the future of the relationship between Catalonia and
Spain. Still, I would not dare to explain what others have done
better and with much more authority than I could. , But I think it
might interest you to know about the point of view of an insider
who has both the privilege of being the mayor of Barcelona and
the privilege of coming from a family that, in a way, summarizes
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Gabinet de Comunicació
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the recent history of my country.
Nevertheless, and however passionate this discussion is, I
am a little worried about our persistence on this analysis. As
Pierre Vilar wrote, " Reflection of a nation on itself is always
a sign of unhapiness, of danger, of impending menace over the
community. Spain's passion of meditation on itself, after 1600,
after 1898, after 1939, reminds of a great history of an unhappy
consciousness".
I do not think there is any essential menace on Spain or
Catalonia, in our days. I do not think it is good for us to be
still broodíng over our essence and existence. But perhaps it is
a good thing for politicians to stop from time to time and think
a little over the object of their activity: their country.
Joan Maragali wrote in 1898 a poem called Oda a Espanya, Ode
to Spain that represented the feelings of a catalanism concerned
about the idea of Spain. That poem is a plead for a Spain as a
mother of many different peoples who ignores them. Maragali said
to Spain: "cry, mother, hear your children, who speak to you in
another language, come to the sea". The last line of the poem is
a goodbye to Spain
"Adeu Espanya!", which is of course
terrible. And that is what the catalanist movement did and Spain
practised. We ceased to ask for an understanding with Spain
except for the begining of the Republic and started to look on a
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Ajuntament 1117 de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
separate destiny as a solution for Catalonia's troubles.
The development of Barcelona
Now let me talk about Barcelona.
Barcelona saw a fantastic development from the mid XIXth
Century. Up to 1859 Barcelona was closed within the walls the
perimetre of which had not altered from The Middle Ages. In 1859
was aproved the Plan del Ensanche, the "enlargement plan",
developed by Ildefonso Cerda. The walls were pulled down and the
city spread over the surrounding plain and reached the nearly
villages: Sarria, St. Gervasi, Gracia, St. Marti.
My grandfather, by the way, was born in 1860 in the very
heart of the medieval city. Later he went out the walls, to the
Ensanche and finally to St. Gervasi. In a sense he followed the
growth of the city. In just 50 years his generation expanded more
than previous generations for 10 or 15 centuries.
I recall Ricardo's "Low Price of Corn ",
1815, where he said
that increases in population would increase the supply of land so
that rents would not rise. I was not exactly so in Barcelona.
Land prices went up, and only in downtown, round the City Hall,
moderatly down.
1888 an Universal Exhibition was held on the grounds of
the old citadel, ominous symbol of centralist opression, built by
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de Barcelona
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Phillip the Vth and demolished shortly after the walls were
pulled down. The Universal Exhibition underlined the definitive
assertion of the city developed by Cerdà,
as well as a
demonstration of catalan bourgeosie's faith
on modernity,
progress and industrialization.
Catalonia rejected Spain, but did not retreat herself into
the contemplation of its griefs. Quite the contrary, catalanism
emerged then as a way to assert our European character as.
opposite to being Spanish.
Is is relevant to remember that in those years your empíre
was still going. Ours not. The end of our rule over Cuba, Puerto
Rico and the Phillipines, .in 1898 give our 98 Generation: Baroja,
Machado, Azorin, Juan Ramon Jimenez and clare say, Picasso and
Casas, who had an influence on Spain culture in a way similar to
Bloomsbury's: Keynes, Virginia Woolf.
Catalonia was open to the cultural trends coming from Europe
and was able to give them a personal interpretation. At the same
time that Paris, Vienna, Praga, Brussels, Glasgow and London knew
the art nouveau the secession or modern style, in Barcelona
modernisme flourished with extraordinary strength. Modern style
architecture had in Barcelona a field to express itself as no
other city of Europe had. You can still admire the results
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walking on the streets of my city and looking at the incredible
façades that Catalan bourgeosie had the courage to build.
This creativity was sustained throughout the years before the
Civil War, in spite of social unrest and in spite of Primo de
Rivera dictatorship.
First World War brougth to Catalonia Picasso, who carne back,
Picabia. But it also brought money. Catalan industriality took
advantatge of Spain °s neutrality to make good business out of
selling goods to both Allied and Central Powers. That could
explain some of the neutralist feelings that Catalan bourgeoisse
still is sheltering.
The 1929 Universal Exhibition, gave Barcelona the most
important thrust to modernity since the previous 1888 Exhibition.
The 1929 exhibition was bold enough to host and show to the world
the Mies Van der Rohe German Pavillion, which we have just
rebuilt, by the way.
It was in this time when Arnold Scheinberg began Moses and
Aron in Barcelona. his daughter is named after the second most
popular virgin in Catalonia after Montserrat: Nuria.
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Gabinet de Comunicació
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Architecture was again the field where Catalan capacity
catch the signs of the times was more evident. Racionalist
architects flourished in Catalonia. Josep Lluis Sert and members
of GATPAC - architect group made Barcelona the centre of interest
of European architects. The Republican Generalitat entrusted Le
Corbusier the design of a new development plan of Barcelona
metropolitan area.
But there were also other fields where Catalonia showed her
dinamism. Catalan Parliament voted a Local Government act that in
some aspects was even more advanced than the Spanish Municipal
Law of 1985.
The Spanish Pavilion of 1937 Paris Exhibition, where
Picasso's Guernica was first showed, was disiped by Josep Lluis
Sert.
Later carne what it carne. And for decades Catalonia was to
many Spaniards a symbol of resistance to fascism, a place where
one could feel an European atmosphere.
However strong the dictatorship pressure was, Catalan's love
freedom created and environment less opressive than in the
rest of Spain.
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Nationalism and catalanism
In spite of the Spanish Constitution, in spite of the
Catalan Statute of Autonomy, there is still an unsatisfied,
strong nationalist sentiment prevailing in Catalonia. The
boundaries of this nationalism are rather fuzzy, as are the
political solutions that would satisfy it.
Most of the people would accept the Spanish Constitution and
the Catalan Statute of Autonomy as they are provided that
Central Government interpreted them open -mindedly without any
witch -hunting based on apparent threats to the unity of Spain.
Other people would like to reform the Statute, to give more
powers
the
belonging t Spain.
Generalitat without questioning Catalonia's
And, finallly, a minority asks for an
independent Catalonia or rather, ' independent "Països Catalans" Catalan countries- that is to say, a Greater Catalonia including
the Balearic Islands, Valencia and the Roussillon or French
Catalonia.
As I say, separatism or independentism is now a minority
trend in Catalonia. But it is a very popular ideology among young
people. This phenomenon has not been studied closely. Does it
come from the fact of being the only way young people have to
contest the political system? That would presume that young
people independentism is the way young people take to let out
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their natural trend to revolt against the establishment, since
it is almost the only ideology that does not fit into the
Constitution.
A Catalan who claims to be a Catalanist but does not like
nationalism in general, and this is my own position, finds
himself in a somewhat difficult position. For in Spain there is
also an efervescence of Spanish nationalism.
When the Socialist Party carne into the Government after the
1982 general election an American newspaper reported the
constitution of a government of "young nationalists ". In Spain
this expression sounded rather shocking. Put it really made a
point.
Franco spent forty years identifying himself as Spain and
labelling as un-Spanish or bad Spanish those who opposed his
regime. Not surprisingly, the idea of Spain as fatherland was not
very popular among democrats. Recall the "farewell Spain!" The
Socialist Party tried to recover Spain, as the heritage of
everyone and not a monopoly of the right. Obviously a certain
amount of nationalism is there. There are more reasons now to be
proud of being a Spaniard than they were under Franco.
I would like to explain now my position
regarding
nationalism. I do not feel like a "nationalist", in the classic
o
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NWIF
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Ajuntament 1 III+gir de
Barcelona
Ref.:
Gabinet de Comunicació
meaning of the word. I think nationalism may be a right issue in
a precise time, but it may not be justified other times.
In Catalonia strict nationalism could have been justified
when Franco's dictatorship was a menace to Catalonia's own being.
Nowadays I think extreme nationalism is a mistake. Catalan.
nationalism now takes the feeling of belonging to an identity for
a political code.
I would rather choose the word "catalanism" than
"nationalism". "Catalanism" was, by the way, the term our
grandparents used. Nationalism calls for a generic position, and
I am not interested in generic positions. Nationalism is a
mixture of hetereogeneous trends which have in common the fact or
the feeling of being victimized by an alien force.
Catalanism, on the other hand, refers to a definite,
specific fatherland. They are two different formulae, though
they have overlaped through history and have been used in a
indiscriminate way.
Now,
in 1986,
we can establish the
difference, and I think we must.
Catalonia has enough political maturity and the legal
framework to be something more than a nation standing on the
defensive. I think there are grounds to talk on behalf of an
open Catalonia with aims that go beyond the mere survival, the
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Gabinet de Comunicació
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mere defence.
There is however among nationalists a temptation to go back
to the bunker,
within the walls so to speak. But I do not think
they will manage to prevail.
Catalonia and Spain
I would nót like to convey the message that for me Catalonia
has no adversary. I do not underrate them. But I do not think
they are the paramount problem of Catalan national feeling. There
has been always in Catalonia a trend to see others as responsible
of our troubles.
Former President Josep Tarradellas broke this line of
thought. President Tarradellas helped us to see things from a
wiser outlook. President Tárradellas taught us to accept us as we
are. He pointed that those who had opressed Catalonia had a long
government experience behind and elements of legitimacy we had to
acknowledge. Hence his attitude towards the King and the Army
that could have been a surprise, coming as they were from and old
Republican.
As I suggested before, now that the idea of .a opressive and
totalitarian Spain belongs to the past, Catalonia can and must
participate into Spanish politics and help to finish the
construction of Spain's unachieved reality out of heart and
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Gabinet de Comunicació
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reason, not only out of calculation and selfishness. But Spain
has first to admit that it is still under construction.
Catalonia, however, cannot go to Spain to be paid for its old
griefs, and, on the other hand we cannot pretend tat nothing has
happened. But both Catalan and Spanish people have to make an
effort of unsderstanding.
Those attitudes will prevail,according to me, in Catalan
political life. That does not exclude the revival of important
minorities pleading for independence, especially among young
people, as I said before.
In a sense, I would like better independentism than
nationalism. It has a frankness which is missing in nationalism.
I like "Visca Catalunya lliure!" - "long live Free Catalonia!"is a positive cry, unlike "som una nacio!" - "we are a nation" which is now a negative slogan. I do not think, nevertheless,
that Catalonia would make a good business out of independentism.
Professor Sole Tura explains it brilliantly in his last book,
Nacionalidades y nacionalismos en España.
Catalonia and Barcelona
The nationalist party that is ruling now the Catalan
Government, has attempted sometimes to confront Catalonia to
Barcelona, appealing to an alleged Barcelona centralism which was
supposed to menace the pure essences of Catalonia. But, as
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Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
Professor J.M. Bricall used to say, Catalonia without Barcelona
would be just a national curiosity as the Alto Adige, the Italian
Tirol, is.
That does not mean that Barcelona has made Catalonia. In
fact the converse proposition is true. And it is also the best
proof to show that Catalonia is a nation. Catalonia has been able
to build a city which has all the characteristics of a capital
of a State. Catalonia created Barcelona because she had national
power enough to do it. Thus Barcelona is a result of Catalonia,
not a cause. Of course, there has been also a feed back process.
Were not Barcelona a dynamic city, Catalonia could not have been
a dynamic country either.
The richness of Catalonia's national identity comes from its
plurality. This plurality is the reality of Catalonia. A somewhat
tortured reality, but a reality. Spain as a concept, on the other
hand, has not managed to become a full reality. This is changing
now. Spain is beginning to come to terms with its own plurality.
And the same goes with Madrid. Madrid was for the rest of Spain
only a capital, a bureaucratic centre. Now Madrid has learned to
be a city, a human collectivity. And I have to acknowledge here
that this was the great success of the late Mayor of Mdrid,
professor Tierno Galvan.
All this changes are a positive challenge for us Catalans.
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Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
We can feel more comfortable within a plural Spain than in a
monolitic one. And Barcelona has to strengthen its imagination to
compete with Madrid as the prime centre of cultural and economic
creativity.
The plurality of Catalonia has always acted as a politic
stabilizer, as well as a political motor. The history of
Catalonia is the history of a set of counter-balanced powers. And
one of this powers is, and has been, Barcelona.
The old government of Barcelona, the Consell de Cent or
Council of the Hundred, coexisted perfectly with the Generalitat.
And sometimes the Consell de Cent stood for the defence of
Catalonia with more determination than the Generalitat did.
One of the decisive dates of Catalan history, as you know,
is the eleventh of September 1714, when Barcelona surrendered to
the troops of Phillip the Vth, the first Spanish Bourbon. That
marked the end of Catalan liberties under the Crown of Spain. The
hero of that day was Rafael Casanova, who was the prime
councillor, the Lord Mayor, if you allow me this anachronism.
If the past saw different powers working. together for
Catalonia I think the best guarantee for the future of Catalonia
is a synthesis of a set of particularities , a set of people
which have in common a national identity built on the basis of
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Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
their diversíty. Putting that into political terms, the best for
Catalonia is having besides its first institution, the
Generalitat, a net of local governments intending to work as a
whole.
As Shakespeare said, "city is the people ".
Living with authonomy
There are two outstanding facts that date a process of
degradation of political atmosphere in Catalonia. One of them was
the anti LOAPA campaign, in 1982. As you remember, 'LOAPA' stands
for °Organic Law for Harmonization of Autonomic Process'. The
campaign had a revival later, after the Constitutional Court
ruled against that law.
The anti LOAPA campaign had no visible effect on 1982
general election nor on 1983 local polls. But it did had an
important part on Convergència attitudes in the 1982
demonstration for the llth of September. For the first time after
Franco's death the Catalan - political parties marched separately.
And, what was worst, some shouted violently at socialist leaders,
accusing them of traitors and collaborationists with Spanish
centralism.
That was a symbol of a political schism in Catalonia, a
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Ajuntament 11II +' de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
schism that is not closed, yet.
The Banca Catalana affair was the other element that marked
the rarefactíon of our political environment.
Another key factor in today's Catalonia is the new regional
TV Channel, TV3.
TV3 was a palpable result of the catalan Government policy,
a project everyone could identify with. It is the only TV channel
that uses Catalan as the only language. That had obviously an
influence on the results of 1984 regional polls, which were held
shortly after the start of TV3.
Other things which are "odd" happen in Catalan Parliament.
The majority ruling Catalan Parliament has been passing a set of
laws aimed to extend the control of new Catalan bureaucracy over
every single aspect of Catalan life.
These laws have a trend not at all liberal, in spite of the
alleged liberal faith of many. In fact, these laws are within the
old Spanish tradition of centralism and state interventionism.
Our
Statute of Autonomy stands for a
descentralized
structure of Catalan Government. The Generalitat was to play the
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Ajuntament
"VIII f de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
role of giving advice, planning, supervising the lower levels of
administration.
The present major_ity has showed an increasing mistrust on
the basic levels of government, that is, local governments.
The executive is recovering powers the central government had
passed to municipalities during the first years of democratic
governments in Spain. From the local government we are seeing,
amazingly, how we could end up having less powers under an
autonomous Catalonia than we had after 1977 general election and
before the Statute.
So, the alleged aim is to strenghthen the country. The
result is weakening it.
When Central Government handed over the Catalan Government
some of its powers our first reaction was a cry: "That's not
enough". And soon we have magnify the transferred apparatus,
making state interventionism appear again.
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Ajuntament 1 111V de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
Barcelona, Catalonia and Europe
Catalans have always felt at home in Europe. And so
president Pujol said in Aachen: "Catalonia has come back home ".
Luis Racionero has pointed out, back in the Xth century
Romanesque monasteries in the Catalan Pirenees were an European
cultural enclave acting in a way as a bridge between Greek
humanistic heritage, Arabic and Provençal cultures.
What will happen with Catalan culture, with Catalan
nationality as Spain joints Europe? One may think Catalan nation
and other natiónal minorities will expand as the State-Nation
loses power. Others do not agree with this idea. They says that
far from that Common Market tends to enforce the State structure
of Spain.
In any case, I am convinced that European integration will
be positive, both to Catalonia and Barcelona provided we do not
become a "curiosity" after leaving NATO. The relevant question,
though, is wether European integration will mean plain
interchange or increase of dependence.
I think Barcelona has a lot to offer to Europe. We have just
closed the London exhibition "Homage to Barcelona". The great
surprise of this exhibition was Ramon Casas'paintings. What we
wanted to do with the exhibition, and we intend to continue
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Ajuntament 111.11 de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref. :
doing, is to explain to the world that people as Picasso, Gaudi,
Miro, Dala. or Pau Casals are not isolated personalities growing
spontaneously on a grey landscape. We would like to make
understand that we have had a favourable environinent that has
made such geniuses possible. Europe has something to discover in
Catalonia, and conversely.
From the point of view of regional and urban economics,
which was my own academic subject before going into politics,
Barcelona has also an important role to play in the European
system of cities. Barcelona is to become te link that will attach
the Iberian Peninsula to the urban European axis that goes form
London to Milan.
There is a region defined roughly by the areas of Bordeaux,
Toulouse and Milano wich holds an enormous economic, scientific
and cultural potential. Until Spain's coming into the EEC this
region has been a border region, a cul -de -sac. From now on it
will have-an increasing character of passage.
Barcelona wants to attract the gravity centre of this region
towards the Catalan system of cities. And to do so, Barcelona has
to compete with Toulouse, which is a fromidable centre of high
techology industries, and Marseilles, whose port fights with
Barcelona and Genoa for the first place in the Mediterranean.
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Ajuntament 11111V de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
We have called this region the "North of South" of Europe.
Within this regions the connections between their cities are
already natural. We have only to enhance them, to facilitate
them. Montpellier is the city that first made a move on this
direction. M. Freche, the mayor of Montpellier, was the first
French politician to welcome the enlargement of the EEC.
Montpellier has understood that is easier for them going to
Barcelona than to Paris. Barcelona is the nearest big market to
Montpellier, the nearest big city.
Barcelona can be a capital of the North of the South of
Europe. This area has an "art of living", so to speak, tat is
very attractive to the North: climate, landscape, leisure. At the
same time te main cities of the area have an important economic
capacity.
Catalonia has to recover the power of invention the
creativity, the spirit of enterprise that made her the most
dynamic region of Spain. And she must do it with Spain, not
against Spain.
We Catalans have to come to terms with our own history. We
have to acknowledge that our future is narrowly linked to the
future of Spain. We have a privileged part in this future.
Spain does not exist. Catalonia does even if it is a tortured
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Ajuntament
de Barcelona
Gabinet de Comunicació
Ref.:
reality. Spain never cristalyzed. Catalonia has to be the leader
the transformation of Spain. The leader of the process that
will make Spain become an European nation, that will make Spain
cease to be a kind of reservation of exotism.
We do not want that in the future learned and serious papers
as The Economist have reasons to talk about our institutions as
it did in its last editorial: "a tricorn and blunderbuss army ".
The role of Catalonia is crucial. And so is the role of
Barcelona. I am sparing no effort to keep Barcelona moving. And
the city will answer, is already answering to the challenge.
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
09.01. Activitat de representació (com a Alcalde)
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1982-1997
Description
An account of the resource
Aquesta sèrie agrupa els documents sorgits de la funció representativa de l'exercici del càrrec d'Alcalde de Barcelona.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
3911
Title
A name given to the resource
Catalonia and Spain / Conferència
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Maragall, Pasqual, 1941-
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Textual
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Loapa, afer Banca Catalana, TV3, Estatut d'Autonomia, Gatpac.
Spatial Coverage
Spatial characteristics of the resource.
St. Anthony's College, Oxford
Language
A language of the resource
Anglès
Subject
The topic of the resource
Catalanisme
Autonomia
Acció política
Model social
Territoris
Catalunya
Espanya
Barcelona
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Conferència
Description
An account of the resource
Text de la classe impartida per Pasqual Maragall, alcalde de Barcelona, al Anthony's College d'Oxford. Amb notes manuscrites de Maragall a les últimes pàgines.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1987-03-07
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Aquest document forma part del fons municipal de l’Ajuntament de Barcelona (productor de la documentació) i és còpia digital de l’original custodiat a l’Arxiu Municipal Contemporani de Barcelona.
EAD Archive
The Encoded Archival Description is a common standard used to describe collections of small pieces and to create hierarchical and structured finding aids.
Level
The hierarchical level of the materials being described by the element (may be other level too).
Document
Discursos i conferències