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                    <text>FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTE TO A SUCCESSFUL
AND PROSPEROUS REGION IN A GLOBAL WORLD
Pasqual Maragall SUMMER 2000

My experience with Swedish cities
Global village or a globe of cities
From the system of cities to the single city
A proposal.

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I want to express my gratitude to the City of Malmô, the Swedish Federation
of Municipalities, and the Forenings Sparbanken and in particular to M.Sòren
Andersen, Deputy Managing Director and M. Ulf Svensson, Head of the
KOMMEK -committee. M. SVENSSON, who must have a first class data base,
has been trying for a number of years to get me to this growingly important
meeting on urban and regional policy.
My life changed a bit in the last four years. I ceased to be Mayor of Barcelona
after 15 years of office; immediately after I quitted the Presidency of the
Committee of the Regions of the European Union and embarked in teaching at the
3 rd University of Rome a course of one semester about "A Closer Europe" . Back
to Barcelona I engaged in candidating for the Presidency of the Government of
Catalonia but even winning in popular vote I wasn't able to overcome the
subtelties of the electoral law and the alliance of the Catalan nationalist coalition
with M. Aznar's Popular Party: thanks God, this permits me to be here to-day.
Nevertheless I promise to come back next time as President of Catalonia, if
fortune helps. My wife and I feel always at home in Sweden.

2

�3

ÍMv expérience with Swedish Citicsl
I have learnt a lot out of my stages in Stockholm, Goteborg and Malmoë with
myfriendsMatts Huit, Lisbet Palme and Gunnar Ericson, the former member
of the International Olympic Committee.
Stockholm was bold enough to launch the so-called Bangemann Challenge, a
project confronting a number of Eurocities in the implementation of the 10
recommendations of the Commission on the Information Society who wore the
name of the then member of the European Commission.
This initiative was a pioneer one. I want to stress here my belief in the European
network of cities and regions as one of our main assets in global competition.
Global companies are decissive. But global cities and their metropolitan regions
are decisive as well.
Externalities count. If global companies are able to understand to what extent
their long term success depends on the existence of strong local and regional
communities, we will approach a kind of welfare optimum. Otherwise we will
not. Negative externalities, such as pollution, divided communities, and the new
social divisions stemmingfromdifferent levels of iníòrmatization, will eat up the
benefits of global competition.
Europe has to show that this new equilibrium between markets and social
cohesion is possible. I am no talking about theoretical concepts: I talk about real
and specific regions and cities where global competition and the quality of
local life do not hinder each other. The dialogue between these to main factors
of modern Ufe, territory or community and economic exchanges, has to have
strong and concerned actors. And you in Scandinavia are again one of our
references in this field.
I recall the strong impression obtained out of the the visit to the House of
Science, at Chalmers University, in Goteborg, where close to a hundred firms
were being created, and not only small ones. Indebo had been among them.
Since my return to Barcelona I used some of the inputs I learnt at Chalmers in the
implementation of Initiatives Inc., a capital risk company owned then by the
municipality and to-day 75% private and 25 % public, and in the creation of
Barcelona Activa, a municipal entreprise helping young professionals and women
to establish small businesses.

3

�4

A lot of time has elapsed since then. But as I will stress later on there is still a long
way to go in the cooperation between local goverment, business and
universities. Universities have to change a lot their corporatist approach to social
life and business. And cities have to understand to what extent they can help to
welfare by creating links and both assuming resposibilities from higher levels of
government and devolving them to citizens. Business can help a lot in teaching
both governments and universities to increase efficiency. But at the same time
they will certainly learn to deal with them in a more friendly way, because they
themselves will depend on the efficiency of social overhead and the
multiplication of knowledge in specific territories.
Malmoë has produced a splendid example, along with Copenhaguen, in the
strenghtenning of the the European network of cities and communications,
with the new bridge. This is one of the best news of the year 2000 for all
Europeans.
I am a believer in Adam Smith's sentence that growth is bom out of the expansion
of markets. One thing only has to de added: markets do not grow solely by long
distance investment; markets grow of the deepenning of connections between
more or less close by agglomerations of people otherwise barely related to each
other.
The Internet revolution hinges on this principle: it makes long distance
exchanges cheaper and quicker, at the same time that it allows for the
multiplication of closer contacts with close people, a factor which ends up being
crucial.
This is so much so that the great difficulty, as I recall, in the auction of the cable
network in Stockholm by Telia was the related obligation for the winning
company to extend a costly cable system far North in Sweden. Density is still a
decissive factor in the networking business. Part of the talk about the coming
changes in the pattern of locational decisions due to internet is unfortunately
empty talk.
Investments like the ones Malmoë has been experiencing in recent years are more
strategic than certain very advertised year 2000 wonders. The bridge for one, but
the recovery of the old entrepôts close to the harbour also (I very well recall the
meeting there of the victorious ESParty after Jospin and Blair had arrived to
government in 1997). A city with dead zones is an ill city. Citizenship requires
elimination of nonsense spots. Remaking a city is a long process of giving sense
and beauty - as Richard Rogers reaclls once and again - to every corner.

4

�5

The combination of a big event project with a fixed capital program of city
improvements is the winning strategy. Some say this was the secret of the
Barcelona "renaissance", related to the 1992 Olympic Games. They are right. Yet
it is also true that the event alone does not necessarily help. The event provides for
a certain climate which is very helpful in creating the synergies, private and
public, which will change the city. And it gives coverage to a particular city image
and name. You then are in the market. But you have to produce something more
than a momentum. You have to produce something consistent and stable, for
good. The improved city becomes then the product and the engine of new
moves ahead.
This is specially important for cities which are not capital cities. True cities so to
speak. Capital cities enjoy the advantages of a critical mass of movements, both
real and virtual, physical and financial. Cities as such do not. They have to create
their own capitality in a sense or another. They have to produce their critical
mass, which is not given by political density. This enterprise is one in which the
wellbeing of the human adventure is at stake. Malmoë is one of these places.

5

�6

¡Global village or a world of cities
Cities, congestion, and diversity are at times the names of the issue that the world
is more afraid of. Cities appear to be the real problem, because they are
WHERE the problems appear.
Let me explain a little bit what my experience of mayor has taught me in this
connection.
At times the quick rythm at which the process of massification and urbanization
occurs in a given city or neighbourhood, overcomes initially the capacity of the
altready established and of their buildings and social structures to absorb
diversity, or the ability of the ethnic majorities to share social life, or of those
whose wealth is not currently used to contribute to public spacefinancingto do it,
or of grown ups with repect to young ones, or of local youngs with repect to
young newcomers and even of old and established inmmigrants vis à vis the more
recent ones.
It is true that a well managed city is able to absorb incredible amounts of
diversity. Cities act as a kidney able to purify an amazing amount of liters of the
fluid in circulation But, as in the case of the kidney, given certain circumsances, a
limit to this assimilation capacity appears. The limit can be improved or
enlarged, thanks to robust democratic and c ommunity values but cannot be totally
denied. It dependes a lot on the density of the phenomenon of diversity over
space and time, and therefore on the ability to obtain good processes of
integration in specific neighborhoods and over specific periods of time.
This is why the robustness of neighborhoods, communities, cities and regions,
as well as of local businesses, has a lot to do with a well accepted cultural
plurality or, to use a name that does not satisfy me totally, with multicumiralism
Left parties have been too slow in assuming the complexity of these processes as
well as conservative parties have been playing the greedy but dangerous game
of obtaining popular suport, namely working class support, against newcomers.
This is going to be one of the political keys to the quality of life in cities, among
other factors. We will need in Europe perhhaps not 100 million inniigrants in
the next 50 years, as was predicted, but well around 50 million - a million a
year -. This in case we suceed in aplying in general in Europe measures of the
kind you in Scandinavia have been able to design some time ago in thefieldsof
the increase in birth rates and in that of the ability of couples or singles to go on
working while having young kids, which amounts to the same. Otherwise the
problem will be only compounded at a larger scale.

6

�7

And we should even recall that Gosta Espin Andersen has showed the costs and
problems of the Scandinavian welfare model, which is in many senses superior
to the continental or the anglosaxon one, in case wages in the service sector follow
the quick growth of those in the new economy.

Up to here we have seen a reasonable sociopolitical approach to the growth of
cities. But also an economic approach to the growing size of cities is possible.
It can be helpful in obtaning some clues for the design of strategies of
improvement at the local and regional level.
You see in the present graph how the equilibrium size (Pe) of a city does not often
coincide with the optimum size (P*)

•
P* P"

Population

OPTIMUM SIZE (P*) AND ACTUAL SIZE (P") OF CITIES

7

�Population growth does not stop at the minimum average costs per person,
where the city size would obtain a so-called optimum (the cheapest town per
person), but goes beyond towards an non-optimal or extra-optimal actual
population
perhaps because people, in moving or not to that particular city, perceive
the predominant average cost rather than the actual marginal cost of the last
arriving to it.
perhaps because the relative prices countryside/city have changed in favor
of the latter so that the countryside is not able any more to buy urban services,
among them education, health and leisure. (In my country many aged people, not
only the more mobile youngsters, move to bigger towns because of the health and
pharmaceutical services)
Should we be scared by that hypotetical tendency of cities to go beyond their
better size ? No. It is a fact of life that people in general prefer to live together
than alone, and for sound reasons. Let's disregard for the sake of the argument the
case of third world megapolis which involves a much longer chain of resoning.
We concentrate in the cities of the Northwestern hemisphere. Here and now we
should find ways to compensate for congestion costs and other negative
externalities as we experience them
At any rate the psychology of people and social thinkers as to the amenities or
threats involved in urban life and in general in a world of increasing population
has proved in history a very cyclical one.
Ricardo and Malthus foresaw global stagnation linked to the increase in
population and to the extension of the margin of bad land being cultivated. They
didn't count on America.

Almost 2 centuries after (from 1815 to 1974) the Meadows Report told us about
the same: in 1994, according to their MIT research, there would be no oil left ( not
good land this time but oil). It is perhhaps not the best moment to comment on oil
prices, but 25 years passed the deadline, it is hard to deny that stagnation is not
precisely the rule of the day.

�9

Let's take a recent example and we will realize both thefragilityof predictions,
with their underlying doctrines, and the need to approach regional and urban
strategies on sounder basis, which is the main purpose of KOMMEK 2000, as I
understood it.
One of the cultural vehicles that I respect most, the British weekly THE
ECONOMIST, evolved in the last years in the following way: a cover story
announced five or six years ago that "Hell is an American City". That cover
portrayed a picture of a crippled, poor black person walking against the
background of decaying housing units in, say, the Bronx. The very definition of
hell was made to correspond to that image.
Not much later, proving the candidness of their managers, the same magazine
conducted a thorough reasearch showing in the end that the tide had turned around
and that cities had become the place of knowledge creation and knowledge
transmission.
Two years and a half ago (1998, Jan 10th, p.15) THE ECONOMIST showed that
''America's cities can yet be resurrected". The period since the 1960's, when
central cities began to loose populetion, has ended.
This changing psychology about thefeteof cities permits us to think of the global
world in a new manner.
We can now think not in an abstract and inmaterial global village, which
otherwise is not a true and practical reality, but in a world of cities, which is a
more reasonable hypothesis.
T4e best way to get to a real global village is therefore to build a world of cities
That would function well
Reasonably open
And efficiently interconnected
This is valid too not only at the world level but also at the national or regional
level. An efficient nation and an efficient region will be those who have built an
efficient system of cities.

9

�From the system of cities to the single city
For any given city of the system we have to take into account three principles:
1 - The city does not admit internal islands or lack of communication
2 - Both misery and wealth tend to colonize their environment
3 - The city is an intermediate level between society and state and also
between market and state.
Out of these three principles stem three policy rules. But let's first explain better
what mean by incommunication, colonization and the intermediate role of cities.
1 - The basis of the existence of cities is the existence of economies of scale or
economies of agglomeration. Until a certain threshold, of which we talked before,
living together in agglomerations is cheaper than living alone or in small
population entities.
But this implies the inexistence of obstacles to the interaction of those living
together. A city with incommunicated or seggregated small neighborhoods would
be the worse of the worlds, that of the lack of scale and that of the lack of access
to services.
2 - The tendency of economically segregated cities is towards incomunication.
Fear of those who have less (or are ethnically different) and price of land where
those who have more live makes economic diversity very difficult in any given
part of the city.
3 - The proximity of citizens to local goverment and local services makes cities
more accountable than nation-states. The perception of what I get from and
what I pay to local government is much more straightforward than in nations.
The three policy rules emerging from this picture are the following:
1.- The city must prevent barriers of all kind from existing. Public
space should provide all citizens with a sense of pride and with easy access
to services. In Barcelona we talked about "monumentalizing" the working
class periphery and "hygienizing" the old downtown. We meant to
eliminate the urbanistic barriers of suurban or dwntown lack of quality .
We spent a lot in the quality of the interventions in poor neigborhoods and
even more in preventing internal ghettoes.
2.- Free riding must be prohibited. Wealthy metropolitan suburbs paying
low taxes and making daily use of tax expensive and poorly equipped
downtowns makes for a vicious circle of poverty and wealth. Metropolitan
areas must be recognized not only for statistical purposes but also to
produce a fair sharing of the costs of the real agglomeration.

�3.- Cities should obtain a larger share of public responsibilities if we
want to optimize the accountability of governments. The subsidiarity
principle declared in the European Treaty should not be limited to the
relationship between the nation-states and the Union.
The last point deserves some comment.
Cities could and should become the first level of a reorganization of
government in the sense of competitivity and equivalence between price and
service.
Regions can become the place of devolution of government to cities and citizens,
by defining the economic and overhead strategies needed to survive in an open
world market.
Cities can do more than just being perceived as more sensitive to local needs and
costs.
A proposal!
Cities can create virtual markets by being audited on several counts by
independent bodies.
My proposal is that European cities and universities network to define a
battery of common urban indicators on a regular time basis.
The items to be measured could be initially the following:
1 - Pollution
2 - Noise
3 - Criminality
4 - Traffic accidents
5 - Housing prices
6 - Educationa levels
7 - Health
8 - Justice
9 - Public transport
A tentative set of the correspoding indicators could be:
1 - CO 2 in the air (three points in tne city)
2 - The % of main streets with more than 60 decibels
3 - Victimation rate
4 - People killed in accident per 100.000 inhabitants
5 - The # of yearly wages to buy a new/used apartment

�12

6 - Scool drop outs in %
7 - Life expectancy, infant mortality and basic health assistance cost
8 - Average time ofjudicial resolution for minor offences
9 - Commerial speed

By regularly auditing efficiency in a number of urban services cities
in credibility. The corresponding universities of these cities would provide for the
needed relayability of the audits.
It is not unlikely that the London School of Economics ( via theUrban Program,
conducted by Richard Sennet and T. Burnett) can engage in a similar kind of
project. In the last meeting of the Advisory Council of the program that I attended,
mention was made of the fact that the LSE was analyzing the possibility of
cooperation in a series of projects with a number of European universities
(Humbolt in Berlin, the University of Milano and Sciences Politiques in La
Sorbonne, to which I would like to add the University of Barcelona, via the Aula
Barcelona program).
Businness and in particular the financial sector would certainly welcome this
kind of effort. The rankings of cities obtained by surveying businnessmen on a
certain number of charecteristics of European cities are helpful (namely the
Healey and Baker ranking survey). What I am proposing is a complementary kind
of measure, not based on opinion but in objective measures conducted on
common basis and similar protocols by a network of independent University
departments.
Local and regional finance, once the Euro is adopted, is going to become a
booming sector. Perhapps the FòreningsSveriges Kommunalekonomer and the
FôreningSparbanken, which is already operating in the Swedish local finance
market, would be interested in obtaining good records of municipal efficiency
in European cities. Certain mayors are not enthusistic about it. They probably
don't know that they will be forced to give up if they want to be financed in the
not so distant future.

12

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                    <text>CITIES IN A GLOBAL WORLD
From the pvramid to the web ... with a few steps in between

1.- lntroduction

Let me present sorne th inking about certain aspects of the matter which 1
consider to be crucial. 1will highlight, of course, the non-cooperative aspects of
the globalization process.

1 will try to explaín in particular how a globatly

networked world, one that opens new opportunities instead of turther promoting
nationalism and hierarchy, provokes what 1will call "vertigo of new treedoms". 1
will attempt to establish a first conclusion, highlighting the need for new public
policies in a world that pretends to be increasíngly líberalized. In this context, 1
would like to draw attention to the capacity of the local world to play an active
role. Borrowing the New Citizenship concept from Saskia Sassen, 1will insist on
the positive role of local agents and politicians. Based on this point. 1 will
attempt to compare the idea of the Global Village with the idea of a world of
cities that compete and cooperate, leading to two important points: No abstract
paradigm of the city exists. lnstead we have one of concrete cities, each one
with specific possibilities and limits, which leads us to the second point: the
need to have comparable indicators of each specific reality in arder to enhance
the ability to perform. Herein, líes the general framework of what 1wish to say.
1"

X

1'.

1 would like to begin my presentation by citing one of the many documents
(more than 140,0001) that are floating around on the web and that respond to
the connection of the two key words of our topic: Cities and Globalization. The
following passage is taken from

the rev1ew done by

Dr. Mit Mitropoulos of IAPS

(Peop1e-

Environment Studles lntern1tlona/ A:ssoci11tíon) In hls book 'H1blt•t. Citl.:&gt; in A Glob1/i%/ng Worfd··Globel Report on
0

Human Settlements". The author ends hls review with a subtle and lronic twist .

He writes: "Back in 1954

Laszlo Benedek directed The Wild One, with Marlon Brando riding with a roar

�into tidy-silent Wrightsville. He is floater Johnny, leading a mottey bunch of
motorcyclists wearing leather branded Black Rebels. The other character in the
scene is a local haírdresser in her prime. The hairdresser asks Johnny cheekily,
"What are you rebelling about?"
Johnny responds, "What have you got?"
The scene occurs during a decisíve moment of the

Fordist-Keynesian

production

model that began in 1945 and would guarantee three decades of sustained
growth in industrial production as well as the establishment of the Welfare State
for developíng COUntrieS.

As Steffen Schnei_de_r declares (Post-Fordism, the Resurgencfl of the Local State,

and Naw Forms of Urban Gavernance:

A~ments

and Deficíts of an Emerging Meta-N1trrative) :

"There is now widespread consensus on the combination of economic and politlcal factors that enabled the Western
Industrializad countrias to recovar from the Graat Dapression and to enjoy three decadas of unprecedented growth and
stability after 1945. According to the standard aceount, this phase of capitalist davelopment was, natlonal variations
notlNithstanding, basad on Fordlsl mass production and its macroeconomic regulation In and through tha Keynesian
wettare state.

"The logic of the Fordist-Keynesian paradigm was tied to national,

demand and employment orientad macroeconomic regulation even though it
was embedded in a specific international arder, characterized by United States
dominance, the Bretton Woods system am:1- the--first- steps- towards trade
liberalization, and also entailed specific functions for urban regions and local
governments. The urban regions around industrial cities were the main sitas,
and the phenomenon of suburbanization - often actively encouraged by national
housing and transportatíon policies - was an important element of the "virtuous
circle" of mass production and mass consumption that sustained economic
growth and stability in the postwar era. Yet local variations in the forms of
production and consumption are considered Jargely irrelevant in the literature,
and local governments are described as having a subordinate role during that
time - namely, as local arm of the Keynesian welfare state, responsible for
providing the infrastructure of Fordist mass production, administeríng the
welfare programs of central governments, and organizing social consumption."
(Steffen Schneider)
2.- Development without solidarity

While 1 apologiza for such a long quotation, 1 believe it provides clarity, and 1
would now like to retum to the contemporary Johnnys and hairdressers of our
world. Today the paradigm has changed: we are in the Post-Fordist era. But in

�Barcelona the World Bank suspended a seminar far fear of the recurrence of
the events that unfolded in Geneva which constitute a precedent for
disturbances anywhere in the world where representatives of a global economy
or commerce gather. Despite the change in style that the Davos gathering in
New York tried to present, a few thousand people protestad against this symbol
of globalization. In Barcelona, the measures of security on the occasion of the
European summit on March 141h have been taken to extremes of dubious value.
( .. . ) There are still rebels. What are they rebelling about? What have we got?
In PortoAlegre an important acknowledgement was openned far the need to
react, not only in a mood of protest but also through política! and civic action, to
the globalization of the economy and technology. This reaction can be summed
up in one simple phrase: it is necessary to confront the globalization of the
economy, technology ar power with the globalization of solidarity. Hardly a
novelty. Yet sorne new concepts were introduced into the argument. Nongovernmental organizations and city govemments from Europe and Latín
America called far greater coordination between local authorities and civil
society to prevent marginalization and social exclusion.
\

"The crisis of values has been globalizad, which means that we have lo globallze solidarity," nid Martln Pumar, mayor
of Villa El Salvador, a poor nelghborhood in Lima, to IPS.

-

According to Martin Pumar, the aim of the Euro-Latin American Third Sector
Observatory, which met severa! times in Brazil during the January 25-30 World
Social Forum, is to foment partnerships and development projects carried out
jointly by civil society and municipalities. The Observatory was just ene of a
number of workshops and conferences held parallel to the plenary sessions of
the World Social Forum.
Giampiero Rasimelli,
president of Ares, an ltalian NGO, said globalization has
.....__
given rise to profound social imbalances between the índustrialized North and
the developing South, as well as within each regían ar country. And "the cost is
paid by the Citizens, Cities and democracy," he Said.

Urgent changas mus! be brought about

by governmant efforts and lnltlatives based on !he potential of globaHzation and new technotogies for boosting cillzen
participation, and on experimenls in local autonomy focussing on sustainable economlc and social development.

Partnerships between civil socíety and city governments, he said, have arisen
spontaneously as a natural result of sharing experiences, seeking collaboration

L.and reflecting on common problems.

�Mexican social researcher, Jose Luis Rhl Sausi, said the growing partnershlp between civil sooiety and local
governments had its roots in the crisis of development models - the European welfare modal as well as the
development-orlentad models adoptad In Latín America. "That has given rise to a profound economic and political
restructuring entailing a loss of declsion-maklng jurisdiction and power for the siete," sald Rhl Sausi.
The coordlnator of the Euro~atin American Observatory, Claudia Barattini, underlined the growth of the Third
Sector - that "ensemble of non-profit economic, social and poírtical lnitiatives, in which the socially-oriented enterprise
and citizen groups stand out.•

Claudia Barattini pointed out that the so-called "Third Sector'' has grown in a
number of countries, but especially in those countries where civil society is best
organized. "We believe that we can fashion a simple, multifaceted mechanism
for the globalization of communities, civil organizations, and small and medium
companies, which discovers its own strength in its capacity to strike up
partnerships, based en the quality and simplicity of common experiences," she
(...

said.
In their final document, the more than 100 city govemment officials, mainly from
Latín

America

and

Europe and drawn by the World

Social

Forum,

acknowledged the need to work closely with NGO's on initiatives aimed at
upholding citizen rights, fomenting social participation and addressing the needs
of neglected sectors.
The necessary changes could arise in urban or rural areas, but the gap
between mainstream society and the marginalized, which is widening in today's
globalized world, was most starkly visible in the cities . In addition, they said,
cities are the scenario where social aspirations and innovative responses
affirming the quality of life and the rights of human beings are mainly played out.
The mayors called for a modification of the tendency to marginalize sectors of
the population, proposing common policies to tackle social exclusion and
greater coordination between cities to work out problems and achieve a
stronger presence in both the national and intemational spheres.
Thay agreed that it was Indispensable to work together with citlzen groups to resolve the housing crisis and extend
urban services to alt, as well as to address the needs of the poor through a more just distributíon of public funds, with
greater backing from central govemments.

The local authoritíes called for greater participation in the development of
national economies, in arder to improve the insertion of countries into the global
economy, "without lopsided dependencies". To do that, they argued that

�progress must be made towards the adoption of mechanisms aimed at
controlling intemational capital flows .
The mayors expressed their backing

~fthe Tobin Tax, the well known -

or not

so well known - tariff on intemational financia! transactions that would gather
funds for the fight against poverty at the national as well as the local leve!.
The deputy mayor of Lisbon, Vasco Franco, said it was nota question of being
for or against globalization, "but against exclusion." "(Cities) can make a
difference, by contributing to setting rules for unregulated globalization," said
Franco. He also pointed out that social aspects were fundamental to that
process, and that "local govemments have much to contribute."

(Source: Third World Network)

lt is evident that the new era, or the age of technology, the market and the
economy taken as a whole, together with global power, is creating in many
cities a pessimistic view of the immediate futura:
In this pesslmlstlc seenarlo, processes of globalization drlven by the accumulatlon strategles of transnational
corporatlons 1re sean as central, while state restrueturing is perceived as largely based on the neo-Uberal agenda.

In such a context, increased local autonomy is the privilege of a few global
cities, while the scope and contents of innovation in urban govemance are
dictated by market imperativas.
The optimistic scenario, by contrast, presents a discourse of "hope" according
to which economic and labor market policies implemented by local govemments
can foster a progressive, general and sustainable alternative both ·to obsolete
Keynesian and discredited neo-liberal strategies - an alternativa that supports
growth together with social equity, more genuine democratic participation and
improved quality of life.

�3.- Technotogical changes: a new economy in a new space
But befare evaluating possible scenarios, we must observe one fact, almost an
empirical affirmation: our societies are moving at an accelerated pace from the
pyramid to the web. That is to say, they are ceasing to be hierarchical,
mononuclear and predictable and are becoming reticular, polycentric and open
realities.

Í This profound global transformation, the causes of which we will discuss shortly,
presents opportunities and challenges, both from an economic and social point
of view. 1 will try to explain how, in arder to take advantage of these
opportunities and confront these challenges, it is particularly important to equip
oneself with efficient, flexible and public policies based on cooperation. In
addition, in arder to make these policies effective, they must be deeply linked to
each specific location, to each territory. Territory meaning here a triangle
formed by terrirorial govemment, universities and firms.
1 propase, then, the consideration of the well known paradox: in an
interconnected and polycentric society, the importance of local factors increases
instead of decreasing]What política! implications should we extract from this
Uobservation? Let's have a look.

J

The motor fer the move from pyramid to web is, above all, technological. The
development of information technologies has allowed for profound changes.
Manuel Castells explained this in clear fashion: "Productivity, competitiveness ,
communication and, finally, power depend essentially on the capacity to
generate knowledge and to process information in all areas of the economy and
society".
From a territorial point of view, ene of the consequences of the development of
these technologies - among which the Internet is, without
expression -

adóubt, the highest

is the reduction of spatial barriers. That is to say, the physical and

administrative obstacles that, over the centurias, have made the movement of
information, capital and goods difficult, tend to be drastically reduced.
This removal of spatial barriers has led to a much higher capacity far the
mobility of factors: greater volatility of capital, more rapid diffusion of

t&lt;

�innovations,

configuration

of

integrated

and

selectiva

channels

of

communication.
And this greater mobility breaks up the geography of countries and regions and
integrates them into networks. These ínclude networks of individuals,
companies and universities. They are flexible networks that are constantly
changing and often do not rely on a rigid hierarchical structure. Therefore, it is
difficult far any territorially based power, be it

a

municipality, a state ar the

European Union, to control them. But it not true that nothing can be done to
overcome these difficulties.

4.- Our challenges: advantages and fears of certain liberties that do not
belong to everyone

The economic and social opportunities presentad by this development are
enormous. We will mention only one, the most obvíous one: the United States
has undergone the longest uninterrupted growth cycte in its history (interrupted
only by what may be one of the shortest crisis, if the optimistic data of the past
few days is true) without inflatíon, only interrupted in 2001 to give way to a
period of stagnation that seems to be on the mend. This is a period of growth

that escapes, then, the classic parameters of economic cycles and, although
offering any single explanation is still risky, it must doubtlessly have something
to do with the ínvestment in technology and the organizational changas that this
investment has brought about.
In addítion, the monopoly on information and knowledge that has been in the
hands of a few people for centuries has been broken. This information and
knowledge is now freely accessible, at least to eveíyone who is integrated into
the web.
However, this new situation, this increase in free spaces, is not exempt from
risks. In the first place, the transition from rigidly hierarchical systems to a
situation in which - as Brecht's Galileo would say -"each one and no one can
be the center", produces a certain vertigo. But the risks do not only arise from

�the difficulty in adapting to changes. In effect, the freedom that the web offers
can also represent an exclusion factor. One of territorial and social exclusion.
In many parts of the globe, the access to the web is impossible for vast
numbers of the population. Thus, the differences between that third of the
world's population that lives in relatively well-integrated areas and the remaining
two thirds are at risk of widening. This is true not only for the countries of the socalled third world. Even in the most advanced countries, bread territorial areas
are being marginalized due to reasons of weak infrastructures or by price
differences. This is the case with rural areas of the United States, and it could
well happen in various European countries, including Spain.
In my region, Catalonia, ene of the densest and most advanced in Spain, the
deadline fer connection between the 41 district or county capitals through a
wide band network has not been respectad. lt was assumed that it would be in
place a year ago. lt has not. Now the quasi-monopolist of telecommunications,
Telefónica, accounting for 86% of total communications as against 14% far the
hundred companies in the trade, has offered ADSL solutions, accepted by the
Catalan

govemment,

but not completely by the almost 800 hundred

municipalities (out of 900 existing ones) organized in a powerful net called
Localret. This net is decisive since the subsoil or underground cartography is
mainly in its hands and operators need it badly.
This is a fascinating conflict involving majar and lesser operators (i.e., monopoly
and competition) as well as major and smaller political authorities.
The "A" in Adsl meaning asynchronic (or asymmetric) services, that is to say,
wide discharging capacity or consumption capacity and lesser sending or
production capacity, the present solution is suitable for operators but not for
local representatives. You can buy a marvelous version of Beethoven's Ninth
Symphony living in the mountains 200 hundred Kms away from Barcelona, but
you cannot send your own musical production from there. Conclusion: you can
be a far away consumer but not a far away producer. The whole tale about
ubiquity of production becomes simply not true.

(Recall the Stockholm "Bangemann Challenge" story)

�Furthermore, society's development of knowledge could ampHfy social differences in the same way: dueto reasons of
age, training, and capacity far adaptation in very large sactors of the population.

5.- The need for public policies: the inevitability of technotogical
transformation (but not of its social consequences}
In light of these challenges it is important to be aware that, as absurd as it is to
oppose technological transformation, there is no reason far us to have to accept
its negative impacts, either from the territorial viewpoint ar from the social
viewpoint. In fact, certain public policies can help to resolve, ar at least mitigate,
these negative effects.
These policies do not have to stem in any way from govemments' will to control
the development of the web, either in its economic or cultural aspects. This
constitutes a chimera that is impossible to accomplish from a technical
standpoint. In addition, it would be absolutely counterproductive.
In effect and quite counter to what it may seem, entering the new economy with
a specific social model is the only way by which European countries can
maintain and even increase the model of social protection and cohesion that
characterizes them. Only through the increase in productivity derived by such a
model will it be possible to achieve the necessary leeway for redistribution.
Thus, rather than trying to limit or control the development of the network, the
activity of governments must be directed at just the opposite: attempting to
facilitate the adaptation of society to the network and of the network to societal
potentialities. And avoiding that its development brings about an increase in
inequalities and factions among social and territorial groups.
In this sense, the formativa aspects upan which we can elaborate today are, in
my estimation, fundamental: ensuring the quality of education (not only through
the contents or the means available, but also through a substantial
improvement of work conditions and the social consideration of those who do
that work); incorporating ali social sectors, regardless of age or origin, in the

�knowledge pertaining to new technologies (with "literacy" campaigns about the
Internet); not allowing, at any cost, the differences among the various
educational centers (rural/urban, public/private) to lead to inequalities in terms
of opportunities far accessing the network.
Along with the formative aspects, it is imperative to ensure, logically, the
complete coverage (the more simultaneous the better) of the entire territory with
infrastructures that permit equal access to the web. lf the opposite becomes
true, the network's development will only lead to new marginal spaces. As such,
far from being a technical discussion, the debate over the territorial
development of the network is one loaded with political meaning: in reality, it
involves the equality of opportunities among citizens, regardless of their origin
and place of residence. And it means also a better profit far the countless
investments made historically in now deserted land and villages.

6.- The strategic importance of local factors and policies
In bringing these policies to term, in confronting these challenges, it could be
assumed at the outset that the activities of local and regional powers - cities,
and regions - are irrelevant. Thus, in a progressively interrelated world in which
economic agents vastly surpass local situations, the question could be asked,
"What importance can municipal or regional decision-making have?"
But here we come upon the lovely paradox: in a network-based society, the
importance of local factors, far from decreasing, actually increases. This is so
because the enhanced ability to choose between situating activities in one place
or another - placing a company in Barcelona, Lyon or Casablanca- increases
the importance of the comparative advantage that can be derived from each
location.
This is the basis of the "local renaissancé" which has been discussed so much
in recent years. This is the reason why local policies are taking on the highest
importance.
The success of the simultaneous policies of adaptation to the web and
maintenance of the social protection systems of small countries such as Finland

�ar The Netherlands provide irrefutable guidelines to follow in this field. The data
concerning these two countries are both impressive and inspirational.
In Finland, far example, 58% of the adult population has an advanced degree
related to science or technology, the public and prívate investment in R+D is
around 4% of the GDP, risk capital represents 0.15% of the GDP (compared to
the European average of 0.06% and Spain's 0.02%) and the Internet is used
regularly by 41.4% of the population. And ali of this occurs within the framework
of a Scandinavian-level social security system. This, without a doubt, is the road
to follow.
The transition from the pyramid to the web, from a hierarchical society to a
reticular one, opens enormous possibilities and presents important challenges.
And the future of Europe depends largely on our capacity to confront these
challenges from each and every one of our cities and regions.

(Source: PM, From the pyramid to the web)

7.- From citizenship to the city. Saskia Sassen, 03.07.97, Transformations of
Citizenship

Saskia Sassen has highlighted with excellent criteria three partial yet strategic
aspects of the political discourse regarding globalization. The first involves a
loss of accountability regarding quasi-govemmental activities carried out by
institutions, companies and prívate or deregulated organizations to whom the
market structure has bestowed certain powers. A propos of this, it is certainly
not too late to incorporate the example of opaque power of the agencies in
rating the irresponsibility of a certain large consulting company in the Enron
case. uunshrinking" the possibilities fer openness and accountability is also
within reach for the political activities of citizens concentrated in cities. In my
country, municipal pressure groups that demand higher quality energy
infrastructures are creating an incipient counterbalance to

the private

companies that provide energy. The private services managing toll freeways are
being obligated to enter into dialogue with municipalities affected by the terms

�of their concessions. The large ports in the Internet and the society of
knowledge offered by municipal libraries are competing with certain success to
lower the connection costs controlled by the telecommunícation multínationals.
In other words, the implementation of this new concept of citizenship that affects
not only private persons but also important collectives can retum to cities and
their new policies part of the power that disappears with this strategic
consequence of globalization.
Sassen finds the second strategic element of globalization in the growing
importance of human rights. She terms this dynamic, "the ascendancy of the
international human rights regime. In many ways, it reduces the significance of
nationally based citizenship in terms of rights attached to individuals, no matter
what the nationality in question might be. lmmigrants and refugees have ctearly
been a crucial instance through which this intemational human rights regime
has demonstrated sorne of its influence and power". Allow me to insist that the
reduction of nationally-based citizenship in terms of rights attached to
individuals finds its clearest reality ín terms of the city insofar as the city is the
continent of many of these rights. 1 return to my former reference: a citizen of
Barcelona coming from abroad can be a person deprived of certain rights
derivad of "nationalíty", for example the right to work or to unionize. But an
important battle is unfolding in arder to provide that citizen with all the rights of a
citizen . Citizens have many rights, but not all: the right to vote is missing for
sorne. In the new Barcelona Charter now passing through the prove of
Congress, a window is open to the possibility of immigrants locally censed even
if not nationally legalized, as well as of 16 to 18 year old youngsters to
participate in the elections of their disctrict or neighborhood representativas.
Comig back to Sassen, if she polnts out soma

ot the positiva and strateglc aspects of globallzatlon,

allow me to add to

the role of international justice organizations that monitor human rights the many examples that deepen the exercise of
these rlghts at the city lave!. Ona example of this would be the Networ1&lt; of Rafuga Clties that taka in authors deprived of
their rights to opinion In their countries of origin. Another would be the Network of Educatlng Cillas, that broadcasts
around the world local experiencas within the framework of respect and deepaning of these rights. We could add to
these the very existllflca of departments within the City Councll that specialize in promoting !hase rights within the city
environment as wall as in intervening in moments and areas of conflict. And we should no! neglect to mantlon the citizen
aspect of the NGO's that specialize in this area. Once agaln, it seems claar to me that lf globallzation does not serve to
create a network for confronting hierarchy, not e single one of these positiva strategic factors such as the fomentlng of
Human Rlghts wHI ever be achieved. Tribunal for the Milosevics and Bin Ladens, for su re, but services at the local level
for immigrants without papers, as well. Even if In that last issue, established citizens have lo have recognized thair right
to secura neighborhoods and decenl schools. Otherwise democracy befna such an lmperfect crealure, the b!nef¡js to

�be obtaloed by caplta!lzlng on fgar are h!nt¡istlcal!y hlgh. Needfe$S to polnt lhe rac;t thal most fascjst reglmes haye come
out of votes and nO! out o! "coups' .

The thlrd strateglc element that Sassen menllons is precisely the crisis of the classic concept of democratic
representation via the vote. By thls 1 mean the degree to which new and old collectives do not feet represented, l.e.
feminists, human rights advocates, immigrants.
lf she focuses her attantlon on !he progressive importance of international law, 1 also would llke to highlight the factors
of proximity, solidarity and participation that oughl to characterize cities. The representation of the city does not escape
the need to go further into the contradictions of that democracy that, in the sixties, wa oalled ''formal". But the city has (or
can hava) very powerful lnstruments far overoomlng "formalism•. The citizen, whether lndivldually as part of a collective,
feals this proximity to power by belng able to attend tha debates of their representativas In arder to promete publlc
interest initiatives. Tha intensive application of the principie of subsidiarity recognlzed in the Europaan Carter of Local
Autonomy can furthar optimiza the proximity of the citizenry to local powar lnsofar as thls Is eble to resolve a wider
spectrum of neads and establish a broadar array of programs. Finally, the right of participation at the local leve! far
surpasses the simple delegation of representation by means of the vote: topical municipal counclls and publlc heartngs
are two examples.
1 have chosen to follow the pattern of this article by Sassan first and toremost out of en lnterest in her strateglo
appreciation. Howaver, there is a sacond reason for this as well. lt involves the city. And !he city Is the most significan!
meaos by which to damonstrate that tha process of globallzation is not necassarily a "zero sum game" in which
increased global power m&amp;ans dlminished local power. The city can add value or diminlsh disadvantages as long as the
movement is from a hiararchical conception of political action to a web concapt. Both !he axtension of accountabillty as
well as tha dafanse of human rights and represantation of minority or individual rlghts have two routas for compllmentary
prograss: the "supranationar powars and influence (laws, lnstitutions, publlc opinion, etc) that are derivad from or are
mechanisms of globalizetion, and the deepaning of local autonomy and establishment of challenges of coordinatlon or
simply competition among lhese powers.
1 spoke before of a pessimistic scenario regardlng the globalization process as well as a contrasting one of optimism.
Now that it Is in vague among certain individuals to qualify the Post-Fordian modal as a Nao-Schumpeterian modal, it
would be a good idea to remamber why Shumpater forecast the fall of capitalism. 1 illustrate with the ever sharp and
concisa words of Joan Robinson: "The increasa in the standard of living and tha diffuslon of aducation create a class of
unsatisfied intellectuals that channel aod articulate the resentment ot tha masses In faca of toequality, inaquality without
which capitalism cannot function. Above all, the business function becomes antiquated due to technologicai progr ess.
Wth !he devalopment of the large-scala compaoy and experimental sciance, true lnnovation is reduced to routine and
the buslnassman degenerates into a bureaucrat".
This lncrease in the standard of living has occurred In developlng countries, and education has baen diffusad. Thare
now exists a class of unsatisfied lntellectuals that denounce inequalities. But techoological progress has etimulatad the
appearance of new, innovative entreprenaurs that, using experimental sciances as a basls, have lnnovated in nonbureaucratlc ways. And some·analysts, though lacking necessary indicators and about which 1will speak later, balieve
that the models ot local progressive power are not indifferent to tha continuad fight against lnequafüy and !he resulting
apparition of new opportun~ies for innovation.

8.- Global village or world of cities

What stirs people up are cities because cities are the real probfem, the problem
that is visible. But people's unstoppable instinct is to conglomerate, to live

�The truly interesting thing is the way in which these vast new spaces are
realizing that their fundamental intemal policy is the building of the backbone of
a system of powertul cities: Eurocities and the Regions Committee, Mercocities,
CityNet in Asia, United Towns of Africa, etc.

Two years from now, in 2004, in Paris, the United Cities Organization will be
created alongside the U.N.O.

The fact is that an advanced group of daring cities have begun to construct a
network of world cities. Even if we speak of cycles of optimism and pessimism,
we ought to speak about the accumulation of future phases and past phases, in
each moment of time, with more or less dramatic adjustments).
Sorne bibliographical references and sources on thls process of creation of Uniled Cilies along side the Unlted Nations
include the following:
Río-Barcelona Oeclaration 1992***: two hopes with the name city. Agenda 21.
The works by J. Borja'*, M. Castells**, Jorge Wilhem, F.E. Cardoso, M. Cohen (World Bank..): J would call them
"sociologists in the conques! of action". 1 should add Jaime Lemer.
lstanbul OO. AMCAL Declaratlon (Assembly of Clties and Local Authorltles)'*. HABITAT Declarallon 2••.
Amsterdam, May 15-16, 1997. European summlt of reglons and clties. Final Declaration. Rapport Stoiber-Gomes. Final
PMM Speech**

European Charter on local autonomy ••. Councll of Europa.
European Union Treaty. Preamble.
Cities in a Globalizing World: Global Report on Human Setllements 2001
Jan. 25-30, 2002, World Social Forum. Porto Alegre

Befare coming to the last point in my proposal, 1judge it necessary to qualify
the premature appearance of the concept of globalization and of the global
village in one of the following ways:
•

as a sublimation based on a thin empirical veneer;

•

as a genuine hope of peace;

�prices in poor sections is good and pulling them down in rich ones is also
welcome.
3.

Creating a battery of common indicators, with cultural fork if
necessary. Towards a virtual market of cities on the following issues: 1)
pollution, 2) noise, 3) crime, 4) accidents, 5) housing costs, 6) education levels,
7) health (life expectancy, infant mortality, UBA cost), 8) justice, 9) public
transportation commercial speed.

These are the analytical, behavioral and policy implications of the socalled Barcelona model.

To wrap things up, let me conclude by saying that the radical critique of the
neoclassical model has become oldish.

The assumption of a fully informed

market is more real today than during the first half of the last century; the
mobility of production factors has grown to levels unimaginable in those times
(who remembers the Hecksher-Ohlin theorem ?), and even the divisibility of
productlon factors is greater. One could certainly maintain a radical criticism of
static analysis { of the "terrible pedantry of static analysis" of which talked Joan
Robinson).
But economic analysis offers two equally plausible exits: A system of
hierarchically arranged cities that operate independently from the main centers
of power where only the first tier plays a significant role in a society close to
total globalization. Ora system of network cities that compete, cooperate, unite
and innovate by providing added value, minimizing inconveniences and
strengthening the advantages of a globalized world.
Therein líes the challenge. The first is a rather static model providing a good
analytical tool. The second is a rather dynamic model clase to economic policy.

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JORNADA EUROPA PRÒXIMA: EL NOU FEDERALISME
EUROPEU.

15/02/2002
Grup parlamentari del Partit dels Socialistes
Europeus

Acte de cloenda. Intervenció

de Pasqual

Maraaall,

president del PSC
Agrair la presència dels assistents i dels ponents que han
participat en les dues taules: sobre el "Nou Federalisme
europeu" i "ciutats i regions, motor de l'Europa pròxima".
Agrair en particular la presència de col·legues d'altres
països europeus que avui ens acompanyen.
Hem de recordar amb èmfasi la tradició europeista dels
socialistes -que avui les forces de la dreta volen amagarla seva aportació a la creació d'una Europa unida. No ha
estat la dreta europea dels Aznar i Berlusconi la que ha
impulsat Europa....
El paper rellevant en les dues passades dècades de
socialistes com François Miterrand, Felipe González, com a
líders estatals i de Jacques Delors, president de la
Comissió, en l'aprofundiment de la Unió Europea que han
fet possible les conquestes de la Unió, que han fet

1

�possible que avui estiguem parlant d'una veritable Europa
Unida en un futur proper, amb la integració dels països de
l'Est.
També avui els socialistes europeus, des dels governs i
des del Parlament estem empenyent les noves etapes de
la integració europea: l'estratègia de Lisboa, l'agenda
social, la política exterior i de seguretat comuna.... el
procés constitucional, l'impuls de Laeken i la Convenció....
Els socialistes catalans estem compromesos amb la
construcció d'Europa, d'aquesta "Europa pròxima" que
estem configurant,
Avui estem assistint a un moment crucial de la construcció
europea. Diversos factors així ho assenyalen.
L'adopció de l'Curo com la moneda única, com a
culminació d'un procés de construcció europea, marcat en
les seves últimes fases per Maastricht i el procés de
convergència, la creació de la Unió Econòmica i Monetària,
el banc Central Europeu i, finalment la moneda única.
Avui, 290 milions d'europeus tenen la mateixa moneda.
L'Curo és un element molt perceptible, que acosta Europa
als ciutadans, que la fa pròxima.

I

�Com ho van fer l'eliminació de controls i fronteres per als
ciutadans europeus, com ho han de fer l'intercanvi
d'estudiants, la unificació de les titulacions
acadèmiques....
L'Europa pròxima es construeix a través d'avenços
concrets perceptibles pels ciutadans en les seves vides
quotidianes ....
Assistim també al procés de "constitucionalització"
d'Europa. Després de Niça i de Laeken, el passat mes de
desembre, estem davant d'un mandat de crear una
Constitució Europea...

I es farà a través d'un procés participatiu. Ja no és un
tema reservat tan sols als governs dels Estats... sinó que
incorpora els Parlaments i es demana la participació de les
societats civils.

Un procés que aproximarà Europa als seus ciutadans. Que
aproparà per primera vegada de forma ostensible les
institucions europees als seus ciutadans, que simplificarà
la "maranya" institucional i normativa de la Unió, que és
un dels elements que allunyen Europa dels ciutadans.

3

�Un procés que ha d'incorporar també les regions i que ha
d'escoltar els poders locals.
Avui les regions constitucionals, amb competències que
desenvolupen o executen la legislació europea, han de ser
considerades. Tenen un rol polític a jugar. Han de
participar directament en els treballs de la Convenció del
2004.
A través d'aquesta participació en el disseny de la Unió
també s'acosta Europa als ciutadans...

Veiem Governs estatals reticents en reconèixer la realitat
regional...
El govern espanyol ens ha donat un exemple recent, en
negar la possibilitat que les CCAA participen en els
processos de presa de decisions en matèries que son
constitucionalment de la seva competència.
O en negar-se a les reformes constitucionals necessàries
per adequar les nostres estructures institucionals a la
nova construcció europea...

(Ja és ben curiós que un líder conservador regional,
redactor de l'actual Constitució, com és Manuel Fraga, els
tingui que donar lliçons als seus companys de partit que

4

�governen Espanya, sobre la necessitat de reformes
parcials de la Constitució....)
Avancem cap a una Europa pròxima. El procés de
constitucionalització d'Europa permet fer un pas valent
cap a una delimitació de les competències entre els
diferents nivells de govern —local, regional, estatal,
europeu—, per a que cadascun assumeixi plenament la
seva responsabilitat en la presa de decisions.

Per tal de que Europa esdevingui una veritable Federació
dels Estats i dels pobles, compromesa a mantenir-se
unida i en apropar la gestió política als ciutadans i
ciutadanes a través de la descentralització de les
decisions, per tal de donar sentit al principi de
subsidiarietat.
Que permeti associar a la construcció europea les regions,
els territoris, les organitzacions de la societat civil. El nou
federalisme europeu és l'Europa de la proximitat.
És el projecte federal que defensem els socialistes, per a
Espanya i per a Europa...
El que vol construir Europa amb la seva ciutadania, que
vol acostar les decisions al nivell més proper als
ciutadans...

S

�Quin dubte hi ha que els municipis han d'estar
estretament associats a les polítiques de la UE que vetllen
pels ciutadans: polítiques socials, d'ocupació, polítiques
per atendre els fenòmens migratoris....
Cal que el govern espanyol es comprometi amb Europa,
d'una manera ferma i il·lusionada. Amb l'ambició de
proposta i lideratge que hem perdut des que Felipe
González no és al davant del govern espanyol...

Tot el que hem avançat amb la integració econòmica i tot
el que avançarem...
Tot el que tenim davant, amb l'ampliació, amb la
globalització, després de l ' l i de setembre, reclamen més
Europa...
Reclamen un Espai Europeu de Recerca
Reclamen una Universitat més europea
Reclamen una política econòmica europea amb un
responsable europeu
Reclamen la política exterior i de defensa europea

Ç&gt;

�Demanen uns processos de liberalització correctes, que
signifiquin millora de la competència i, per tant, de la
qualitat de vida dels ciutadans. La cimera de Barcelona ha
de posar èmfasi en la correcció els processos de
liberalització dels mercats. (Espanya ha obtingut molt pobres
resultats en els processos de privatitzacio i desregulacio. Els
ciutadans i les empreses no es poden sentir satisfets...)
Reclamen la carta de drets, la Europa social...
(No voldríem que aquests aspectes fossin negligits en la
propera cimera de Barcelona..)
...i reclamen una política activa, amb propostes i
iniciativa per a cooperar i col·laborar amb els nostres
veïns de la Mediterrània.

Els plantejaments que avui governen Espanya no son
aquests. Ens allunyen d'aquesta idea d'Europa i volen
dissenyar una Espanya allunyada d'aquests valors: una
Espanya més centralitzada, més autoritària, menys
participativa, més allunyada dels ciutadans, però també
dels nostres veïns...
Cal que les idees de progrés tornin a governar Espanya.
Per això demano l'esforç per a que aquestes idees es
vagin estenent i vagin implantant-se... per això és
necessari que els socialistes governin Catalunya, per a

�superar la dialèctica paralitzant que s'ha establert entre
l'Estat i Catalunya, per contribuir també decisivament a
que en un futur pròxim les idees de progrés governin
Espanya.

V

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